Skip to main content

Full text of "The Camden miscellany"

See other formats


This is a digital copy of a book that was preserved for generations on library shelves before it was carefully scanned by Google as part of a project 

to make the world's books discoverable online. 

It has survived long enough for the copyright to expire and the book to enter the public domain. A public domain book is one that was never subject 

to copyright or whose legal copyright term has expired. Whether a book is in the public domain may vary country to country. Public domain books 

are our gateways to the past, representing a wealth of history, culture and knowledge that's often difficult to discover. 

Marks, notations and other maiginalia present in the original volume will appear in this file - a reminder of this book's long journey from the 

publisher to a library and finally to you. 

Usage guidelines 

Google is proud to partner with libraries to digitize public domain materials and make them widely accessible. Public domain books belong to the 
public and we are merely their custodians. Nevertheless, this work is expensive, so in order to keep providing tliis resource, we liave taken steps to 
prevent abuse by commercial parties, including placing technical restrictions on automated querying. 
We also ask that you: 

+ Make non-commercial use of the files We designed Google Book Search for use by individuals, and we request that you use these files for 
personal, non-commercial purposes. 

+ Refrain fivm automated querying Do not send automated queries of any sort to Google's system: If you are conducting research on machine 
translation, optical character recognition or other areas where access to a large amount of text is helpful, please contact us. We encourage the 
use of public domain materials for these purposes and may be able to help. 

+ Maintain attributionTht GoogXt "watermark" you see on each file is essential for in forming people about this project and helping them find 
additional materials through Google Book Search. Please do not remove it. 

+ Keep it legal Whatever your use, remember that you are responsible for ensuring that what you are doing is legal. Do not assume that just 
because we believe a book is in the public domain for users in the United States, that the work is also in the public domain for users in other 
countries. Whether a book is still in copyright varies from country to country, and we can't offer guidance on whether any specific use of 
any specific book is allowed. Please do not assume that a book's appearance in Google Book Search means it can be used in any manner 
anywhere in the world. Copyright infringement liabili^ can be quite severe. 

About Google Book Search 

Google's mission is to organize the world's information and to make it universally accessible and useful. Google Book Search helps readers 
discover the world's books while helping authors and publishers reach new audiences. You can search through the full text of this book on the web 

at |http: //books .google .com/I 

Er TiA-A'! 

Harvard College 




» ♦♦♦♦♦♦♦♦♦♦♦♦♦♦♦♦» 




LIBRARY. ;-'7 ^ " . ■ 
















[no. civ.] 


FOR THE YEAR 1870-71. 

















The Council of the Camden Socibtt desire it to be under- 
stood that they are not »nswerable for any opinions or observa- 
tions that may appear in the Society*8 publications ; the Editors 
of the several Works being alone responsible for the same. 












^ EDITED / ' ^' . / ) 





The following sketch of the Life of William Whittingham, Dean 
of Durham, ia from a MS., formerly in the Ashmolean Museum, 
Oxford, marked Wood MSS. No. 8650, E. 4, Art. 5, now in 
the Bodleian, marked Wood, E. 64, Art. 5. It is in the hand- 
writing of Anthony Wood, in a volume of biographies collected by 
him for his At/ience Oxonienses. It is evidently a copy of an earlier 
MS. because the marginal notes (see p. 1, note 1, p. 2, note 1, and 
p. 7, note 3), are in the same hand as the rest of the MS., and yet 
not written by the author of the Life. 

The only clue to the authorship is that the writer was in 1576 a 
student at the Temple ; that he frequented Court ; and that he had 
access — then rarely granted to men in an unofficial position — to the 
State Papers of the period. We may therefore presume that he 
was secretary or under-secretary to Lord Burghley, or his son Sir 
Robert Cecil, probably the latter, since the most probable date 
of the Life is 1603, just after the accession of James I. The 
manner in which the writer speaks of Queen Elizabeth (p. 10) 
shows that it cannot have been written during her life, and yet 
it seems likely that it was written before the Hampton. Court 
religious controversy of January, 1604, or else this controversy 
would probably have been alluded to. An expression on p. 36 
also, speaking of the transactions recorded as happening *' so long 


since," indicates a considerable lapse of time after Whittingham's 
death in 1579. 

In the annotations, &c. of the MS., I am indebted for valuable 
assistance to the Sev. Alfred Hackman of Oxford, who has also 
kindly collated the proofs with the MS. ; to the Bev. Canon Baine 
of York ; and also to the Rev. Dr. Farrar, of Durham, for eccle- 
siastical as well as local information. 

M. A. E. G. 

100, GowEB Stbbst, 

November 17tA, 1870. 

The Life and Death of Mr. William Whittingham, 
Deane of Durham, who departed this life Anno 
Domini 1579, June 10.' 

He was bom in Westchester, and descended from Whittingham, 
of the house of Whittingham in Lancashire, neare Preston, which 
Whittingham did marry the daughter of Haughton, of Haughton 
Towre, in the same county.^ He became a schoUer in the 16. year of 

' In muTj^ii of MS.: "This seems to have been written by a Calrinitt." The 
teim Caltinist here, doubtless, is sjnonymous with Pnritan, a favoarer of the 
Geneva principles, and does not allude merely to the Prcdestinarian controversj, 
which, since the Qninqnarticnlar controversy of James the First's time, has been 
usually the idea connected with the name Calvinitt. 

> The pedigree of the family, as compiled from Harl. MS. 1535, f. 297 (, the 
will of Whittingham, Snrtees, Dnrham, vol. ii. pp. 315, 326, 330, &c., is as follows : 

ThomasWhittingham of Whittingham, CO. Lancaster.^ ... dr. to — Bntler, of KirUand. 




Richard, Sheriff of London 1429. 

Thomas of Middle-=T=Ellen, dr. of — Piers, 
wich or Swettow. | Walley of Mid- s.p. 

J^ die wich. 


Wil-=f=. .. 

liam. I 



Agnes.=Hugh Cor- 
rington of 

dr. of Hanghton, of Hanghton Tower, co. Lancaster. 

William of Chester.:^ . . 


William, Dean of Durham, ob. 1579.=f=Katherine, dr. of Louis Jaqueman of Orleans. 

^ r 

I \ 1 — 

Sir Timo-=pKatherine, Daniel, Sarah,^Ge- 

or Eliza- b. 1 571 . mar. rard 
beth,dr.of 1581. Birk- 

Brran head, 

Askwith of 

or Ays- Bran- 

cough, of don. 

CO. Lin- 
coln; ob. 

thy, of 
side, CO. 


T^r ' 

Jn-=Wil- Debo-=Wil- Eliza-=. . . Fea- 

liam beth. ther- 

dith, liam rah, 
mar. Wear- mar. 
1592. mouth, 1585. 


of New- 







lUiam, b. 1584. 

Thomas, ob. 1632. 
John, ob. 1614. 

Surtees continues the Pedigree down to 1724.*— flif«f<?ry of IhirJiaMf vol. i. p. 330, 

"I I I 







his age at Oxon,^ first of Brasen nose College, where he was under a 
tutor soe carefull over hira to further him in learning as he hath 
bene often heard to bemoane that his tutor lived not till he was able 
to requite him for his care and love towards him. From that college he 
went to AUsoules college, where he was chosen fellow-probationer 
1545. From thence he became a fellow of Cardinal Wolsey's college 
in Oxon,* where, after he had remained a few year^, he betooke 
himselfe to travell, ^ with purpose to travell through France, and 
soe into Italic ; but coming to Lyons in France, in his way towards 
Italy, it pleased God to visit him with sicknesse, which he tooke to be 
a warning to cause him to alter his purpose, and to divert his course 
from that country, from which few returne the godlier; and soe, 
comming back againe, he remayned for divers years in Orleance,* 
sometimes in Paris, but ever amongst the students in the Univer- 
sities of those cityes. 

In Paris, when the Lieger Ambassador for England * was to goe 
to the Court, he ever desired Mr. Whittingham to accompany him, 
for which purpose he had his courtly apparel and ornaments lying 

' Circa an. 1636. Marg. note in MS. The date of his birth given by general 
biographers is 1524, at the city of Chester; but if this marginal date be correct, it 
mast have been 1520. 

' Or Student, more strictly speaking, a Student in Christ Church being equivalent 
to a Fellow in other colleges. It is noticeable that the writer still retains the primary 
name of the college, Wolsey's, although Henry VIIT., after the confiscation of 
Wolsey's property, usurped the right of being called founder, and altered the name, 
first in 1532 to King Henry VIII.'s college, and after, in 1546, when it became a 
cathedral, to that of Christ Church of the foundation of Henry VIII.— Ingram's 
MenwriaU of Oxford ^ vol. i. pp. 44, 46. 

» His licence bears date 17 May, 1660.— Wood's Athence Oxonifnses fYol. i. p. 446. 

* During his residence in Orleans, he married Catherine, daughter of Lewis Jaque- 
man, and sister to the wife of John Calvin the reformer, but the date of the mar- 
riage is uncertain. Her mother was daughter and heir of Gouteron, lord of Inguir 
and Turvyle, near Orleans.— ^fAew. Oxon. vol. i. p. 447. 

• Dr. Nich. Wotton, Dean of York and Canterbury, was tl\e English resident in 
France up to the spring of 1560. He was succeeded by Sir John Mason, who re- 
mained till July 1651, when Sir William Pickering was appointed, and remained till 
nearly the close of Edward VI. 's reign. 




by him, which at his going to Court he used, and at his returne 
became ut prius as a student. 

After some years bestowed in those universities, he went to the 
universities of Germany, and thence to Geneva ; and thence, having 
spent all King Edward the Sixth's raigne in those transmarine univer- 
sities, returned into England in the very latter end of the said King 
Edward his raigne. Presently after whose death, Queen Mary being 
proclamed, and a tast given of the alteration of religion, he forthwith 
resolved t6 goeagaine beyond the seas,* and riding over London bridge 
in his way to Dover, and thence to take shipping, he mett Mr. Hard- 

' Before deciding to leave the conntrj, he had made an effort to obtain toleration 
for his party, as recorded in the following letter from Julius Terentianus to John 
ab Ulmis, dated Strasburgh, Nov. 20, 1553 : "Master Peter Martyr is forbidden 
to leave his house; and Sidall, a truly excellent man, is ordered to guard against his 
running away; and thus master Peter has had his own house made a prison of these 
six weeks. But I, perceiving that the danger was manifest, went to London, to seek 
assistance from my friends. They were now reduced to a very small number, and 
were so far from being able to assist us, that they were exposed to the greatest peril 
themselves. Whittingham and I conceive the project of presenting a petition to the 
Queen and Council, in which we embrace the entire circumstances of master Peter ; 
how he had been invited over from Strasburgh by the deceased King, and had been 
recalled by the magistrates of Strasburgh during the last year, but that the King 
would not give him licence to depart; that the correspondence relative to all these 
facts was in the royal archives; and that moreover many of the Council could bear 
abundant testimony to their truth. We added that master Peter had committed no 
offence either against the Queen or the laws of the realm; that, if his enemies chose 
to bring any charge against him, he was prepared to meet it ; that he now perceived 
that the Queen had no longer occasion for his services, and therefore he petitioned 
her for a licence to enable him to leave the kingdom. ] 

" Whittingham and I proceed to Richmond ; he presents the petition respecting 
Peter to the secretary, who, as is customary, lays it on the Council table, and bids us 
wait. On that day nothing was done ; we are ordered to come again on the mor- 
row ; we are there at the hour appointed, but still nothing is done. We feel at last 
that we are imposed upon. We agree therefore among ourselves, that Whittingham 
should return to Oxford, and remain with master Peter, for he was now almost 
entirely by himself, since every one, except only Sidall and master Haddon, had 
withdrawn from his society. As to me, I remain in Ix)ndon, to make what interest 
I can. 
" At length Whittingham returns after some days : we both of us wait upon [Sir 


ingi (who wrote against Jewell) on the bridge ; who, after salu- 
tations, asked him whether he was agoing ; Mr. Whittingham 
answered that he was going beyond the seas. Mr, Harding demanded 
of him the cause; he answered, " Did you not heare the proclama- 
tion,^ and how the whore of Roome is againe erected amongst us ?" 
To which Mr. Harding replied, " Happy are you that goe for soe 
good a cause." 

Mr. Whittingham and his company comming to Dover at night, 
whilst they were at supper, the hoast of the house told his ghuests 
that after supper he must carrie them before the magistrate or major 
of the towne to be questioned concerning the cause or errand of 
their going beyond the sea, for the magistrate had received strickt 
command from the Councell for the examination of every passinger, 
and Mr. Maior had as stricktly enjoyned them (the inkepers) to 
bring their ghuests to be examined as aforesaid, (wherin the hoast 
seemed to be more preremptory and precise ;) it made his news the 
more distastfuU, and in parte vex his ghuests. 

Whilest they were in this anxietie, there being a faire grayhound 
waiting on the table for releife, Mr. Whittingham chanced to say, 
** Mine hoast, you have here a very fayre greyhound ;" '* I," said 
the hoast, ** this greyhound is a fair greyhound indeed, and is of 
the Queen's kind." " Queen's kind ?" said Mr. Whittingham, *' what 

John] Mason, who at first declined interposing in so disagreeable a case, and said 
that he was altogether out of f aronr ; afterwards however he was argent that master 
Peter might be allowed to come to London, and plead his cause before the Council. 
He obtains his reqncst, and we have moreover permission to remove all our goods." 
'-Zurich Letters^ vol. i. pp. 369-370, published by the Parker Society. 

* Thomas Harding, the well-known controversialist, opponent of Bishop JeweU. He 
was Hebrew professor at Oxford, 1542 — 1548 ; prebendary of Winchester, 1664 ; 
deprived by Queen Elizabeth, and died at Louvain, 1572. 

* This proclamation, dated August 17, 1553, is preserved in the Record OflSce, 
Domestic State Papers, Mary, vol. i. No. 7. It exhorts all subjects to observe *•* the 
service of God agreable to God's word and the primitive Church :" but permitting 
them to obey existing laws until repealed ; exhorting them not to use the ** devilish 
terms of Papist or Heretic ;" and forbidding all preaching or public reading of 
religions books, without licence of the Queen. 


meane you by that ? This is a Strang speech ; what good subject 
can endure to heare suche words of his soveraigne, to have her Ma- 
jestic to be compared in kind with the kind of a dogg ?" and said 
that the words were very treasonable, and that he could not see how 
they could be excused if they should not goe and acquainte the 
magistrate with it ; and did further soe aggravate the matter, even 
of purpose, as they did drive the hoast into such a fear as he durst 
not once mention the carrying of them before the magistrate any 
more, but was glad to be soe freed from their incumbrance. By 
this meanes, all the company escaping this interruption, they pro- 
ceeded on their journey. 

And Mr. Whittingham remained in France till he heard of the 
coming of sundry English Bishops,^ divines and other good Pro- 
testants, who for religion had left their country, and were arrived at 
Frankford, where after a while, they getting licence of the magis- 
trate to establish a church there, and entring into consideration of 
the particular formes and order of discipline to be used in that 
church, they did soe farre vary and dissent among themselves as, 
after long contentions, noe accord could be made between them, ^ 
but were forced to disjoyne, and those to remayne at Frankford that 

^ The Bishops deprived bj Mary, beside Cranmer, Ridley, and Latimer burnt, 
were William Barlow, Bishop of Bath and Wells ; John Scory , Bishop of Chichester ; 
Miles CoYerdale, Bishop of Exeter ; John Harley, Bishop of Hereford ; John Tailour, 
Bishop of Lincoln ; John Hooper, Bishop of Worcester ; and John Bird, Bishop of 
Chester. Panl Bnshe, Bishop of Bristol, and John Foynet, Bishop of Winchester, 
' On the subject of these disputes, Whittingham thus writes to Calvin : — 
** The occasion that ought to bring us the greatest comfort from your most im- 
portant letter has, in a manner, thrown us into the greatest anxiety and distress. 
For when there seemed likely to be no end to such noisy contentions, and on that 
account it was ordered by the magistrate that we should comply with all the rites of 
the French church, (unless there should happen to be anything that might justly be 
found fault with), this circumstance so much offended some parties that, leaving 
the contest about ceremonies, they betook themselves to forensic accusation. For 
Master Knox, being most unjustly charged before the magistrate with high treason, 
has been ordered to quit the place, not without the regret of all good men, and even 
of the magistrate himself. 


did best like the formes of the goverment of the church of England 
in the dayes of King Edward VI., and those that liked better of the 
order and discipline of the church of Geneva did goe to Geneva, 
amongst whome Mr. Whittingham was one. * Of which contro- 
versie,* though here be good occasion given to particulate, yet 

" He is therefore on his waj to you, and will explain the whole matter in order. 
This only I can speak from experience, that nothing ever occasioned greater distress 
and shame to good men than this wickedness has done ; bat I cannot now relate 
these things bj reason of mj grief, and he will himself explain them better and 
more fully in person, as well as all other matters, of which I will describe the pro- 
gress and result more at length after the fair. 

" Earewell in Christ, and with your wonted affection, aid us by your prayers and 
counsel. Will. Whittingham. 

« Frankfort, March 26, 1566." 

Zurich Letters, vol. ii. p. 764, published by the Parker Society. See also Strype's 
Chindalf p. 15 ; Annals of Reformation, Tol. i. pt. i. p. 162. 

* This was about Sept. 1655. Shortly before his departure he wrote the following 
letter to Calvin : 

'^Supposing that this letter will scarcely reach you much sooner than I shall 
arrive myself, I do not write so fully as the subject itself requires, and as I could 
wish ; for I have sent off aU my baggage, and am hastening to you as speedily as 

** With respect to those who are at Basle, we are in hopes that, after a mutual 
conference, they, together with us, will both enjoy your valuable assistance, and not 
only rejoice in that divine benefit, but will embrace and cherish it. I shall very 
soon, I hope, converse with you in person about your letter to our friends, and our 
own departure, and other matters. 

" Master St.Andrew has zealously conducted himself here, and to the great and 
common benefit of the churches. Master John k Glauberg has made honourable 
mention of you, as he ought to do, and requests me to salute you most diligently in 
his name, as, being at this time especially engaged in a multitude of affairs, he is 
unable to write to you. All our friends salute you, reverence, and most deservedly 
esteem you. , 

" May Almighty God very long preserve you, both to His own glory and the com- 
mon comfort both of ourselves and all others. Frankfort, Sept. 21. 

** Your disciple, 

" W. Whittingham." 

2urieh Letters, vol. ii. p. 766, published by the Parker Society. 

A brief but clear account of this controversy may be found in Carruthers' 


because the wliole matter of that controversie is set forth in a larg 
discourse, in an antient book printed anno [1575] at [Frankfort],^ 
I will refeire the reader to that book, that he may better informe 
his judgment in the state of the differences between them ; and yet 
withall I have thought good to acquaint the reader with an epistle 
writt to Mr. Whittingham and Mr. Goodman, ^ being at Geneva, 
from that worthy, famous, and learned writer Bishop Jewell, wherin 
some mention is made of the controversy at Frankford ; the letter 
is thus stiled : 

Charissimis in Christo fratribus, Domino 
Whittinghamo, et Domino Goodmanno, * 


Out of which inscriptions this is referred to the reader's judgment, 
that, seeing amongst graduat schollers not distinguished by praefer- 
ment, antiquity gives the precedency, yet Mr. Jewell, knowing 
that Mr. Goodman was Mr. Whittingham's antient in Oxon by much, 
and had bin the divinity lecturer in Oxon in King Edward VI. 
raigne, yet doth he, in his directions, give to Mr. Whittingham the 
preheminence ; the reader, I say. may judge as he please, whether 

History of the Church of England, vol. i. c. xIt. ; Strype's Grindal, p. 170 ; and 
also his Annals, Index to vol. iii. 

' The book is entitled " History of Troubles at Frankfort ;" reprinted in 1708 in 
a collection called the Phoenix, vol. ii. It is described bj Fuller in his Church 
HUtoryy b. 8, p. 208. 

> Christopher Goodman, a noted Puritan writer ; ho and Whittingham were 
intimately associated at Frankfort, and again in 1558 at Geneva, where Goodman 
published a pamphlet entitled " How superior powers ought to be obeyed of their 
subjects, and wherein they may lawfully, by God's word, be disobeyed and resisted," 
which, though wi-itten in Mary's time, was offensive to Queen Elizabeth because it 
strongly reprobated the government of women, as " a monster in nature," quoting 
God's instructions to the Israelites, " From the middle of thy brethren shalt thou 
choose thee a king, and not amongst thy sisters. For God is not contrary lo him- 
self, which at the beginning appointed the woman to be in subjection to her husband, 
and the man to be head ofthe woman, (as saith the Apostle) who will not permit so 
much to the woman as to speak in the assembly of men, much less to be ruler of a 
realm or nation." 

• Goodman, divinity reader Oxon., temp. Edward VI. — Marg. note in MS. 


he will ascribe it to negligence, or if Mr. Jewell had a greater 
respect to the difference of their gifts and suflSciencies ; but the 
letter followeth : 

Salutem plurimum [jsic] in Christo. 

Si quid' communem nostram inter nos conjunctionem aut obfus- 
cavit aut imminuit inauspicatissima ilia causa et contentio Franco- 
fordiana, id spero jam dudum vel pietate exstinctum esse, vel certe 
tempore ac diutumitate consopitum ; quod ego de vobis quidem 
duobus nihil dubito, de me autem possum etiam poUiceri. Quo- 
niam tamen taciturnitas tegere potius solet animorum dissidia quam 
extinguere, Christianas pietatis esse duxi, scripto aliquo veterem 
nostram amicitiam excitare ; ut si quae adhuo extarent superioris 
doloris vestigia, ea prorsus ex omni memori& delerentur. Id hac- 
tenus distuli, non animi tumore, quem jampridem prorsus abjeceram, 
aut fraternse charitatis contemptu, aut superbifi, sed quod sperarem 
aliquando de e& re vobiscum acturum coram: nunc autem, cum com- 
munis hie noster amicus et frater esset ad vos rediturus, non polui 
deesse occasioni. Quare, fratres mei, si in ilia causa quam ego ne 
adhuc quidem possum condemnare, aut utrumque aut alterum vestr&m 
unquam laeserim, aut, evectus studio et contentione, dicto vos aliquo 
insolentius attigerim, oro obsecroque vos ut eam mihi injuriam con- 
donetis, eamque amnestia perpetuS. sepeliatis, ut ne verbo tantum et 
lingu^, sed opere et veritate, inter nos diligamus, et uno animo, 
unoque ore, glorificemus Deum et Patrem domini nostri Jesu 
Christi. Eram seorsim scripturus de hac re ad dominum Wil- 
liamum et dominum Woodum, verum id nunc capitis graved o non 
sinit ; quare orate, quaeso, illos, quod ad vos duos scriptura est, id 
ad se quoque scriptum arbitrentur. 

Valete, fratres, et Deum pro me orate. Tiguri, ex -Sdibus D. P. 

Martyris, Calendis Junii, 

Vester in Christo, 


> Quia in MS. 

' This letter is printed in the Parker Society's edition of JeweU's works, 4th por- 
tion, p. 1192, under the date of 1657, quoting from Ashmolean MS. 8560, 98 E 4. 


Soon after the arrival at Geneva of Mr. Whittingham and the 
rest that went from Frankeford, Mr. Jo. Knox, who was a Scotch 
man, and then the minister of the English congregation,^ was to 
leave that place, and to retoume to his owne country ,2 so as that 
place was to become void ; and they, not being soe well provided 
(for the supply of that place) amongst our countrymen as Mr. Calvin 
(who had the principall care of the church goverment in that citie 
lying upon him) liked of, moved Mr. Whittingham to take the 
ministrie upon him, and to be made minister ; which, notwith- 
standing Mr. Calvin his many urgencies and pressures, Mr. Whitting- 
ham refused to doe, alleaging that in his former travells and obser- 
vations and learning the languages, he had fitted himselfe for State 
imployments, and had not bended his intentions that way, neither 
would acknowledge his gifts to be such as to be soe worthy as the 
calling required. But Mr. Calvin resolved not to accept of any 
refusal], but by continuaU importunitie, and urging his gifts and 
fitnesse, did in the end, rather by conjuring him then perswading 
him, praevaile, and soe he succeeded Mr. Enox in the ministerie of 
the English church there ; ^ where, after some two or three years, 
the learned that were at Geneva, as Bishop Coverdall, Mr. Good- 
man, Mr. Gilbee, * Mr. Sampson, * Dr. Cole, and Mr. Whittingham 
(and who else I cannot relate) did undertake the translation of the 

* In 1557 Knox's son Nathaniel was bom at Genera, and baptised on May 23rd, 
when Whittingham stood sponsor to the child. 

' Knox's strong ritnperations of the English government induced the magistrates 
of Genera to send Whittingham and a Mr. Williams to him, to request him to depart, 
or thej should bo constrained to deliver him to the Emperor. — Strype's Memorials, 
vol. i. pt. iiL pp. 407 — 544. 

' In 1578, when the charge of invalidity of ordination was bronght against Whit- 
tingham, it was stated that he was *' not ordained according to Geneva," i.e. he was 
only appointed to preach, not ordained by imposition of hands. See p. 30 infra. But 
Wood, in his AthencBy distinctly states that he was <' made a minister, according to 
the Geneva fashion.'* Vol. i. p. 447. ' 

* Anthony Gilby was the author of several controversial and theological treatises, 
published between 1547 and 1590 ; one of the most important being his translation of 
Beza's paraphrases on the Psalms. 

* Thomas Sampson, of whom it was said that it was doubtful whether there was 



Geneva Bible ; ^ which long ere the same was finished, Queen Mary 
dying, her sister of never-dying memory succeeded ; whereupon the 
banished, as well bishops as others of the church of Frankford, 
retoumed into England. Soe also did the church of Geneva, 
saving some of them only, and not all, that were engaged in the 
translation of the Bible; soe as Mr. Whittingham did tarrie in 
Geneva, for the finishing of that translation, a yeare and a halfe 
after Queen Elizabeth began her raigne, he also there turned into 
meeter those psalmes of the Geneva psalmes which are inscribed 
with W.W.' And then comming into England, * Francis Bussell 

Kying ** a better man, a greater lingaist, a more complete scholar, or a more profomid 
diyine." He was afterwards Dean of Chichester and also of Christchorch, Oxford, 
but depriyed and imprisoned for non-conformitj. Carmthers' EnglUh Cfiureh 
History ^ vol. i. p. 469 et seq,; Strype's Parker, book ii. ch. 22, and Neale*s Higtory 
of the Puritans, edit. 1811, vol. i. ch. 4, pp. 114-117. 

1 For an accomit of this Geneva Bible, commonlj known from the translation of 
Genesis chap. iii. v. 7, as the Breeches Bible, see art. Version Anthorized, in Smith's 
Dictionary of the Bible, vol. iii. p. 1673. Westcott, in his History of the translation 
of the English Bible, pp. 121 — 127, gives the principal share of the New Testament 
revision to Whittingham, and supposes him to be the reviser whose address is pre- 
fixed, but he also shared the labonr of the Old Testament revision. It was probably 
at this time that he translated into Latin the Litnrgy of the church of Geneva. He 
also wrote a preface to Nicholas Ridley's Declaration of the Lord*s Supper, — 
Athena Oaon., vol. i. p. 449. 

' Though Stemhold died in 1649, his edition of the Psalms was not published till 
1662. The first 16 were by Stemhold, 68 more by Hopkins, 6 by Whittingham, 27 
by T. Norton, one by R. Wisdom, and 7 bear the initials W. K. and T. C, William 
Kethe and Thos. Churchyard. Sec John Holland's Psalmists of Britain, vol. i. p. 1 10. 

* The following is an extract from the Council Book of Geneva, in reference 
to Whittingham's return to England, dated May 30, 1660 :—** William Whittingham, 
citizen, in his own name and that of his company, came to thank the magistrates 
for the kind treatment they have received in this city, and to state that they are 
required to return to their own countiy, in order to minister to the church there ; 
but that they entreated their worships still to regard them as humble servants of the 
republic, and promised that in everything and every place, wherever they might 
have the means of doing service, either to the state, or to any inhabitants of this 
city, they would exert themselves to the utmost of their power. They requested, 
too, a certificate of their life and conversation during their residence in this city* 
and gave in a register of those of their countr3rmen who came to dwell therein, by 
way of a perpetual remembrance. 

*' It was decreed that they should have honourable licence to depart, together with 


Earl of Bedford was sent by Queen Elizabeth into France, to con- 
dole the death of [Francis IL], their late deceased King of France.* 
and Mr. Whittingham, as well for his perfection in that language, 
as former experience of the French courte, was appointed to attend 
the said Earle thertoo. After whose returne into England, presently 
the warre between France and England began at Newhaven, * 
where, for the French, the Kingrave * was the generall to oppugne 
the towne, and Ambrose Dudley, Earle of Warwick,' was sent by 
Queen Elizabeth leiutenant of English forces, to defend the same ; 
in which expedition the said earl procured that Mr. Whittingham 
should goe with him, and be their preacher at Newhaven ; which he 
did accordingly, and did soe there demeane himself, both in his 
function and in the guise of a soldier's employment, as he, after the 
experience of the alarums comminge on the soddaine, even in the 
middest of the sermons, he used to preach in his armour continually, 
and — as the old captaines and souldiers of Berwick would, many 
years after that — when any alarum came whilest he was preaching, 
he would be on the towne walls as soone almost as any man. 
Nay if the writer herof should set downe all that he hath heard 
reported of him in his commendation, not only of the captaines 
and soldiers but of the most eminent persons, as Sir Henry Sidney, 
since Lord Prsesident of Wales, * and even from the Lord-Leiutenant 

a testimonial of the satisfaction we have had in them ; and that they be exhorted to 
praj for ns, and to act in their tnm towards foreigners as we hare done to them; 
that they be always disposed to look with affection npon this city; and that those 
who are now citizens or subjects be still regarded as such for the time to come."— 
Zurich Letters, rol. ii. p» 766, note. 

* Francis II., husband of Mary Qneen of Scots. The Earl went in Janoary, 1561, 
and remained till the end of February. 

s Havre, then a new-haven, being founded in 1509, by Louis XII.; for particulars 
of its defence, see Fronde, vol. vii. p. 54 ; Calendar of State Papers, Domettio^ 
1547—80, pp. 203—220, and Foreign 1562, s\ib voce Newhaven. 

' Bheingraf Philip Francis, Elector Palatine of the Rhine. 

* Ambrose Dudley, son of John late Duke of Northumberland, and elder bru.her 
of Robert Earl of Leicester. 

* He was President of Wales in 1560, and retained the office till his decease in 


himselfe, 1 not only in his function for his diligence in preaching, 
and vigilancie in discovering a stratagem intended for the surprisal 
of the towne, and the hazard he did dayly undergoe, in going to 
visit, instruct, and comfort, as need required, so many soldiers dying 
and dead in one great roome at once of the plague (the increase 
virherof caused the loss of that towne), ^ but also for his valour and 
shewing himself to be in all occasions as well tam Marti qnam 
Mercurio ; if, I say, I should soe doe, I should but fill up too much 
paper, and might be suspected of too much partiality. Yet that the 
truth of that that is already alleadged of the good opinion that was 
had of him may the better appeare, let it be considered that Mr. 
WTiittingham got not his preferment to the Deanery of Durham by 
following the Court, nor by such reall gratifications as are said to be 

1586, bat he was at Newhaven during the greater part of the siege. See Foreign 
Calendar, 1562. 

^ Several honourable notices of Whittingham occur in the correspondence of the 
Earl of Warwick, Lord Lieutenant, and others, at the siege of Newhayon, e.g. 

<* Herewith jour honour shall receive the copy of certain articles lately augmented, 
which shall to-morrow be eftsoons proclaimed ; God grant they may also be duly 
executed. The poor here have been heretofore pitifully spoiled by the Godless 
soldiers, and none before this time presented whereby justice might be ministered, 
whercunto my lord is most willingly bent, and by Mr. Whittingham and the rest 
there wantoth no public admonition in this behalf.*' — Thomas Wood to Sir William 
Cecil, Newhaven, 9th November, 1562. — Foreign Corretpondencej Becord Office. 

'* I assure yon we may all here think ourselves happy in having such a man 
amongst us as Mr. Whittingham is, not only for the great virtues in him, but like> 
wise for the care he hath to serve our mistress besides. Wherefore, in my opinion, 
he doth well deserve great thanks at Her Majesty's hands." — Warwick to Cecil, 
Newhaven, 20th November, 1562. — Ibid. 

And again — 

** Forasmuch as Bradbridge and Vyron is both gone from hence, by reason of 
sickness, so that we have no minister but only Mr. Whittingham, who is so excellent 
a man indeed as that I would not for no thing in the world spare him, I have 
thought good therefore to put you in remembrance, either to procure Mr. Goodman 
to come hither, for the good report I have heard of him, or else Mr. Wybum, for 
that if this man should chance to be shot, then are we utterly destitute."— Warwick 
to Cecil, Newhaven, 28th December, 1562. — IHd. 

» See Sir A. Poynings to Cecil, July 6, 1563, and other papers from July 6 to 
August 1, 1563, Domestic Calendar of State Papers, 1547—1580. 


the oyle that doth facilitate the way to preferment, * but only from 

the commendation of the Lord Leiutenant to the Queen, by letters 

from Ncuhaven, ^ as by a letter written from the Earl of Leycester, 

brother to the Lord Leiutenant, from the Court, most plainly 

appearcth, which letter I have thought good to set downe verbatim, 

for the better manifestation of the truth ; directed thus : — 

** To my good brother, the Earl of Warwik, 

^' the Queen's Majesties Leiutenant 

" at Neuhaven. 
** My good Brother, — I 

** I have now at last gotten Captain Read's bill dispatched, and | 

the same being delivered under seal to his man, I thought good 

likewise to let you understand of that, so of your request to Mr. 

Whittingham for the Deanery of Duresme,* wheerunto the Queen's 

' In May 1562, an effort was made to obtain for him the parsonage of Lough- 
borough, the rector of which, John WyUock, was absent in Scotland, attending Thos. 
Randolph, ambassador there, as chaplain. The advowson was in the gift of Lord 
Hastings of Loughborough, whose tendencies were popish, and he wished to place 
therein Adams, one of his own chaplains. The Earl of Bedford, Lord Robert Dudley, 
and Mr. Goodrich used their influence with his lordship in favour of Whitting- 
ham, but in vain; and therefore Wyllock, who held the cure, though professing his 
willingness to resign in favour of an ** honest, learned man like Whittingham, begged 
leave to hold the living with a dispensation for five years for non-residence, rather 
than relinquish it to a Fapisf— Wyllock to Cecil, May 20, and Randolph to Cecil, 
May 30, 1562. — Foreign Correspondence, Record Office. 

' It is probable from the coincidence of dates that the service alluded to is thus 
recorded in a letter from Warwick and the Council of War at Newhaven to the 
Council : 

*^ You may perceive, by certain examinations herewith enclosed, what late 
practices here hath been for the burning of the ships in this haven, which was 
revealed by Mr. Whittingham, and the parties also found out by him, upon intel- 
ligence given unto him by one Mons. Le Barre, principal minister of this town, and 
a man of great learning and no less fidelity towards this cause, being now departed 
hence to Caen, with a great number of the burgesses, whom the only bruit of war 
hath driven from hence, without any compulsion used therein towards them." — Date 
May 18, 1663. — Foreign (Correspondence, Record Office, 

' The modem Durham is directly from the Norman Duresme. The coinage of 
the episcopal mint, from Bishop Bee (1283— 1310) to Cardinal Langley ^Bp. 1406 — 
1437), gives the legend indifferently Dureme, or the Latin 'Dunolm or Dnnelm. 
Derame first appears on a coin of Bishop Booth (1457 — 1476), and his successors 


majesty hath also condiscended, which shce would not, I assure you, 
doe, neither at my or Mr. Secretaries suit ; but upon the last lettres 
written on his behalfe, her highness hath granted it unto him ; he 
is therefore, next unto her majestic, to thanke you for it. And so 
with my most harty commendations, I bid you, as heartily as myself, 
farewell. At the Court the 24th of July, 1663. 

Your loving brother, R. Duddley. 

" Postscript. — I pray you, in your next lettres, give her majestic 
thanks for the fiivour she hath shewed Mr. Whittingham for your 
sake ; and look well to your health, my dear brother." * 

By this lettre it appeareth that the said Queen Elizabeth would 
not have given the deanery to Mr. Whittingham, neither at the 
request of the said Earle of Leycester, neither of Mr. Secretarie 
Cecil (then soe being), but upon the said Lord Leiutenant's 
lettres from Neuhaven. The cause was for that she had half pro- 
mised it to one who afler became one of the secretaries of State, 
and after Mr. Whittingham had enjoyed the deanery 16 year and 
died, he obtained it, but died within a yeare and a halfe after ;' so 
as he for a short while enjoyed it. 

Here, before I proceed any further, I think it meet to mention 
some things which hapned at Neuhaven, which particularly con- 
cerne Mr. Whittingham. He being sent from the Lord Leiutenant 
with a messuage to the Ringrave,* who lay encamped before the 
towne, the Eingrave seing Mr. Whittingham comming towards 
him, he spur'd his horse, drew his sword or rapier, and came towards 

have all the yarieties of Berham, Dirrom, and Durham. In The Siege of Ceir^ 
laverock Bishop Bee is described as " le noble Eyesque de Donreame." — Snrtees*s 
Durham, vol. i. p. 82 ; vol. iy. p. 2, p. 3. 

> Warwick, in a letter to Dudley, written from Newhayen, the same daj as 
the preceding, says : '< For that I had in my letter to the Queen's Majesty for- 
got my humblest thanks for the behalf of my dear friend Mr. Whittingham, for the 
great favour it have pleased her to show him, for my sake, I beseech yon therefore do 
not forget to render them unto her Majesty." — Foreign Correspond. Record Office, 

' Dr. Thomas Wilson, who was secretary 1577 to 1581, dean of Durham 1579, atfd 
died 1581. ' See note 3, p. 11. 


Mr. Whittingham in a bravado, at a full speed, as though he would 
have assaulted him ; wherupon Mr. Whittingham tooke out one of 
the pistolls he had at his saddle-crutch, and held it out towards 
the Bingrave, who asked him in French if he were in earnest ; he 
answered " No— only attended to answere what he would put him 
unto ;" the Bingrave putt up his rapier, and after kind respects 
used — Mr. Whittingham having discharged the messuage — the 
Ringrave carried him to his tent and caused him to dine with him. 
And the table being full beset with gentlemen that were Frenchmen, 
they began to gibe and use broad jests against our nation, which 
Mr. Whittingham did soe retume upon them, to the touch of the 
French, that one of them that sate at the lower end of the table did 
rise in great fury, drew his dagger, and would have stabbed Mr. 
Whittingham, if the wayters and some gentlemen rysing from the 
table had not hindered. Wherat the Kingrave^ after having shewed 
great indignation against the Frenchman, caused a great double 
gilt bowle to be filled with wine, and dranke it of to Mr. Whit- 
tingham, with these termes, ** Cup and all." Mr. Whittingham 
pledged the wine, but restored the bowle ; which when Mr. 
Whittingham would by noe means accept of, the Bingrave sent 
it after him to Neuhaven, with this messuage : that if he did 
refuse to take it and keep for his sake, he would never esteem of 
him. Soe Mr. Whittingham took the cup, and left it to his sequeles 
(followers) as a monument of the Kingrave's love, and care the 
Bingrave had to salve the wronge he had received at his table. 

Next it shall be fit to shew what course and order was taken and 
used at Neuhaven in the ecclesiasticall government by Mr. Whit- 
tingham, and what cautious lettres were sent to him out of 
Fngland concerning the same, and his answer therunto ; two lettres 
wers sent, the one of caution and reprehension from Mr. Secretary 
Cicill, the other of freindly respects and advertisment from him 
also. The lettres follow : — 

** Mr. Whittingham,— 

" I cannot but in my small leisure send my compleint unto you. 


I heare by your meanes the Queen's subjects there forbeare the 
observation of that manner and ry te of religion that is here received 
by authoritie in this realme. I can surely love you for your good 
and vertuous gifts, but in this, if it be trae, I must needs blame 
you. I will not argue with you, for my parte is much the stronger, 
and on your parte small reasons can be made ; but upon singu- 
laritie, you nor any borne under this kingdome may be permitted to 
break the bond of obedience and uniformitie. The question is not 
of doctrine, but of rites and ceremonies ; and this I write lamentably 
to you ; I have found more letts and impediments in the course of 
the gospell here, in this ecclesiasticall government, by certaine fond 
singularities of some men, then the most malice the Papists can 
shew. If you knew the crosses I have suffered for stay of religion, 
you might pittie me, and ought, for God's cause, to yelde to con- 
formitie. I am not learned, but I meane well to learning, and am 
not unsensible of as much as is usually said in this matter. I conclude 
this varietie may not nor must not be suffered ; and therfore I require 
[you] to think and determine thereupon, how it may be amended. 
Setting this apart, I acknowledge myselfe much addicted to love 
you. Deu8 eat deuspacis, non discordtce. ix. December, 1562. 

" Your assured, Will. Cecill.^' 

To which Mr. Whittingham wrote this answere as folio weth : — " 
** *I am sorrie that in your great and serious affaires, your honour 
should be troubled with the frivoulous complaints of certaine which 
shew themselves offended with the manner of ceremonies used here, 
as a thing disagreing from the order commanded and observed in 
England, soe that they drive me to render a reason of that thing 
which I thought to have bin out of controversy, and that your 
honor, with Hhe rest of the * godly and learned ^there, had easily con- 
sented unto;* and for mine owne part, St. Augustine somewhat 

1 The original of this letter is in the Pablic Record Office, Foreign Papers, 1662, 
No. 1304. The variations in readings are given in the notes ; the words affected by 
them are printed in italics. 
' Insert *' Grace, mercy, and peace through Christ Jesns.'' 
' " others." * " would easily have approved." 


^ perswadeth ^ rae, who counselleth in such things to accommodate 
ourselves to the nature of the place where wee are conversant ; next, 
moved ^by^ the opinion of this people, who, as they had conceived 
evill of the infirraitie of other rites and cold proceedings in religion, 
soe if they should have seen us, hut in forme,^ though not in sub- 
stance, to use the same or like order in ceremonies which the papists 
had a little afore observed, (aganst whom they now venture goods 
and body), they would, to *our* great greif, have suspected our 
doings,* and have feared in time • to came ^ the losse of that libertie 
which after a sort they ^ had recovered, by ^ the blood shedding of 
many thousands. 

** Moreover, as 1 ever approved this order best, because it is ^more^ 
agreable to God's word, nearest approaching to the ^example of the 
primitive church,^ and best allowed of the learned and godly ,^^ so I 
perceived^^ it wrought^* a marveilous conjunction of minds ^^betwij:t^* 
the French and us, and brought a singular comfort to all our 
people. Besides this, Mr, Viron told me, that my lord^* of London 
warned and charged ^^ that wee should use noe other order for cere- 
monyes then that which wee should find here ; which in ^® judgment, 
considering the place and time, is nothing prejudiciall to our orders 
at home ; for reformation wherof all the godly have their eyes and 
harts bent and directed to your honour, next under God and the 
Queen's majestie ; for alas I they are far from perfection, though for 
gaine and ^'^ advantage ^^ they have many patrons who, as I think, 

* ** herein persuaded." • Insert " as not sincere." 
« « with." • Omit « to come.'' 

■ Insert " only." ' •* have purchased with." 

* « their." - • *» most." 

* " form that the godly fathers used." 

^ Insert *'in these days, and according to the example of the hest reformed 

" Insert « that." " Insert « us." 

" Insert « here." '• Insert " my." 

»» " between." " " yantage." 

" Insert** Bishop." 



miglit with better conscience susteine tlie * reproof^ of singularitie 
then dissemble the matters of soe great importance. 

" Thus, being fully perswaded of your good affection towards me, 
and for discharge of mine owne conscience, I am bold to write 
plainly, trusting your wisdome will not be offended ; for God is my 
judge/ if I knew * how to ease you of soe many heavy burdens and 
manifold crosses, which wee all acknowledge to lye upon you,* I 
would refuse noe paine or travell ; but my earnest and continuall 
prayer to God is that He would send you strength and comfort long 
to serve, to the glorie of His holy name, (for whom noe discord is to 
be feared, and without whome noe Concorde is to be sought,) that, 
as you have began to uphold and advance the kingdome of His son 
Jesus Christ, soe you may, by His mercies, continue perfect, and 
establish the same, to His praise, the Queen*s honor, and all oqr 
comforts. Amen I" ^ 

The second Icttre before-mentioned, though it concern not this 
argument, yet that it may shew the respect and interchange betwixt 
them, — and the rather for that both Mr. Secretary's letters were all 
of his owne handwriting — I think it not fit to be omitted ; it fol- 
io weth, with the direction thus: — 

*' To my very loving friend Mr. Whittingham, principall 
preacher of the word at Neuhaven. 

** The peace of God and warr for Him be with you. 

» " reproach." ' Insert **-a8 well." 

• Insert " that." < Insert " aa I pity you." 

* Insert *' From Newhayen, this 20th December, 1662. 

'* Yoor honoar's most humbly to commande, 

" W. Whittingham." 
The subject of introducing the English forms into the service at Newhayen was dis- 
cussed at length in a letter sent the same day from Cuthbert Vaughan, Comptroller and 
Muster-master of the Forces, and one of the Council of war at Newhayen. He strongly 
dissuades the enforcing of ceremonies in a country where they would giye offence, 
and might make the people weary of the English, and hopes the dregs of supersti- 
tion yet remaining in the church may be redressed this Parliament. — See Foreign 
Calendar 1562, p. 575. 


** How mighty a stroke was towards is a terrible thought to re- 
member, but to behold His wrathfull hand was of late here so fear- 
full as hitherto I scantly have recovered my heart, to take the joy 
of this mercifuU benefit ; this I write of the Queen's danger and 
delivery.^ Almighty God be praysed of us all, and give us grace to 
remember His intended wrath, and to enjoy His effectuall grace and 
mercy I Happy were you, for that I thinke the tydings of her 
danger were accompanied with the report of her amendment. 

" Now that my lord of Warwick is come, I trust every day will 

amend another. I hartily.thanke you for your gentle lettre, and pray 

you, as your leisure may serve, to write sometime to me, which shall 

be my comfort, though by my answer I acquite them not, for lack 

of leisure. The fortunate death of the unfortunate King of Navarre * 

cannot but induce a great blessing of God. xxiij of October 1562, 


" Yours in Christ assured, 

" W. Cecill." 

Mr. Whittingham's lettre in answer of the former I omitt for 
brevity sake, for that it doth not concerne this purpose, but conteins 
advertisements of the then State affaires, wlierof now there can be 
but small use.' 

* The reference here is to a dangerous attack of small-pox, from which Queen 
Elizabeth suffered in October 1662. 

' Antoine de Bourbon, King of Nararre, died 7th Nov. 1662, of a wound receiyed 
at the siege of Rouen. 

• The letter in question is preserved in the Public Becord Office, Foreign Papers, 
1562, No. 1771, and is as follows : 

" Grace, mercy, and peace through Christ Jesus our Lord. Oh, happy news that 
brought life before they threatened death ! Oh our miserable sins, that brought in 
danger that life which should have drawn so many thousands to death I Oh, the 
unspeakable mercies of our God, who, by prolonging that life, hath revived all true 
professors of God's holy word 1 

" Thus we may see the just judgments of God, and also may behold his wonder- 
ful mercys which surmount them. God grant us true repentance for our sins, fervent 
minds to prayer, sincere love of his word, and the right practise of our Christian 
profe^ion ! 


And soe Mr. Whittingham, returning from Neuhaven, and com- 

" Bat one thing, right honourable, doeth make me to tremble, when I behold God's 
plagnes in such a readiness, and represented unto na in those blood-thirsty wolves, 
which seem to be reserved and kept up to make them more eager and greedy of the 
blood of the poor lambs of Jesus Christ, which daily they gape after and threaten. 
Certainly an horrible terror to all God's children, a discouraging to all the professors 
of true religion, and to the enemy a wonderful encouraging, whereby his heart 
toward God is hardened, and against the Queen's Majesty made rebellious. The 
Lord God move her heart to remedy this evil, and send her a long and prosperous 
reign, to his glory, and the comfort, not only of us her subjects, but of all Christen- 
dom ; seeing the whole state thereoff this day depcndeth on her Majesty. 

'* It would be tedious to repeat to your honour all our news, which my Lord Pre- 
sedent can most certainly declair, upon whose relation I doubt not but you will, by 
foreseeing the dangers, provide speedy remedy. My Lord-Lieutenant behaveth [him] 
self very honourably, and hath the commendation of all sorts. Only it may please 
your honour not to suffer him to be destitute of some special wise counseller, whose 
heirt may be sincerely bent to this cause, whose valientness may engender fear in 
the enemy, and whose wisdom may with speed remedy dangers ; for now that my 
Lord President is departed hence, my Lord shall be almost left destitute. Yea and by 
the private dissensions of them whose authority, by concord, might appease all parti- 
cular grudges of other men, our state might easily fall into danger. 

" The Rhinegrave was within half-a^mile of this town, with a great company of 
Almains, pretending no hurt but meaning no goodness, as your honour shall perceive 
by my Lord Prcsedent. The next day afterward, which was the seventh of this 
month, he departed toward Guise, leaving 12 ensigns of Almains within two 
miles of this place. Guise by report is gone toward Paris. Some say that the 
prince hath taken all such plate and treasure as the King had left at Fontaine- 

" Here is a gentleman called Mons. Bcauvoir, left as governor under the Vidame 
- in such things as shall appertain to the duty of the French towards our state. He 
hath married the Vidame's sister, and surely is a godly, valiant, and trusty gentle- 
man, greatly affectioned toward your honour ; therefore I wish he might be en- 
couraged in his well doing. Concerning religion certain orders are drawn, but as 
yet not published, for preachitig and prayers to be had daily, and for discipline to 
be practised for the supressing of vice, which would otherwise in short time griev- 
ously infect this flock. Hither came, with my Lord, one Mr. Broadbridge, minister, 
and since their departure from Dieppe, Mr. Viron. The soldiers are for the most part 
80 void of knowledge and fear of God that I think, considering the number that is 
to come, we shall all have oecasion to be both well and diligently occupied. Thus I 
am bold to trouble your honour, albeit I am not ignorant of your great affairs 
otherwise, and of your special care for the furtherance of this cause. 


ming to Durham to reside upon his deanery there, anno 1563,^ after 
he had remained there some years, Secretary Cecill was advanced 
to be Lord Treasurer,* in whose place Mr. Whittingham was nomi- 
nated, amongst others, to succeede him in place of secretarie, and was 
thought fit for that place, in respect of his perfection in the French 
tongue, and his experience he had gathered in twelve years beyond 
the seas ; but the Lord Burleigh, Lord Treasurer, alleadged that it 
was pitty to call him to such imployment, being soe well fitted to 
discharge his place in his function,' neither did he thinke that he 
would except therof, if it were offered him ; aganst which it was 
alleadged that he, having hoe oth^r church living but the deanery, 
and it being sine curd animarum^ as deaneryes are said to be, it 
was only a dignity belonging to the churcli, rather than a place 
tying one to continuall residence : but that tooke noe effect, in respect 
of tlie incongruitie which it cannot but carrie in all men's judgments. 
And, notwithstanding the contents of Mr. Whittingham his former 
lettre concerning church discipline,^ after he had remained in the 
deanery two or three years,* and the order of vestures being generally 

*^ The Lord God bless and prosper jou, and direct you in this and all other yonr 
Godlj enterprises, to His glory, the hononr of the Qneen's majesty, and all onr com- 
forts I Amen. From New Hayen this 8 Noyembre. 

" Your honours most homblj to obey, 

** W. Whittingham. 
" To the right honourable Sir William Cecil, Knight, 
principal secretary to the Qneen's majesty." 

* On his passage through London, he preached before the Queen, at Windsor, on 
Sept. 2, 1663.— Strype's Annaltf vol. i. pt. 2, p. 88, and Parker, yol. i. p. 268. 

> Sir William Cecil was made Lord Burghley February 26, 1671, and Lord High 
Treasurer 15th July, 1572. The secretaryship devolved upon Sir Thomas Smith, and 
was shared with him the following year by Sir Francis Walsingham. 

* A long controversial letter from Whittingham to the Earl of Leicester, against 
the "old Popish apparel," dated Durham, 1564, is printed in Strype's Parker, 
vol. iii. pp. 76—84. 

* The question does not seem to have been so much whether chasubles, &c., should 
be retained, as whether the surplice should be worn instead of the black Geneva 
gown. The Elizabethan Prayer Book of 1669 contained a rubric retaining vest- 
ments ; the Statute 1 Eliz. cap. 2, sec. 26, qualified this, but leaving large discretion- 
ary powers in the hands of the Queen. 

22 the'lipe and death of 

established for churclimeii,^ and soe pressed as they that would not 
use the same should not be permitted to exercise their ministrie, he 
then submitted himself thereunto ;* and, being upbraided therwith 
for so doing, by one that had bin with him at Geneva, he answered 
that they knew and had heard Mr. Calvin say, that for these ex- 
ternall matters of order they must not neglect their ministrie, for soe 
should they, for tything of mint, neglect the greater things of the 
law.^ And concerning singing in the church, Mr. Wliittingham 

* An account of the controversy may be seen in Collier's EccUnastical History^ 
Tol. ii. p. 495, and in Blnnt's Annotated Prayer Book, Introduction p. 67. 

' He and Mr. Beton refused at first, but afterwards consented. Strype's GHndal, 
p. 145. Canon Raine has kindly supplied the following notes from the York 
registers, relative to this controversy. The interrogatories are absent, but may be 
guessed at from the replies in most cases. 

'* August 5, 1566. Office against Mr. Wm. Whittingham, Dean of Durham. 
Certain articles are administered to him, to which he makes the following replies: — 

" 1. True. 

'* 2. He doyth not now well remembre,nor certainly knowe the lawes, statutes, etc., 
articulate, and therfore he doythe referre himeself to the same. 

" 3. He doyth not well knowe or remembre — (as before). 

** i. He openly goeth abrode in the cytty of Duresme, and also into the qneare in 
the cathedrall churche of Duresme, doyth and hayth used to weare a rounde capp, 
and sometymes abrode in the country. 

'' 5. H6 cometh into the cathedrall churche of Duresme, and into the queare ther, 
in a rounde capp and a gowne, withowt a surples above the same, but not to the 
offence of any honeste or grave personnes, as he belevethe. 

" 6. He one time, upon Christenmas Day nexte comynge shalbe thre yeres, dyd 
minister the Communyon withowt eyther cope or surples, howbeit he dyd not minister 
the Communion sence that day, and he receyveth the Communyon neyther syttinge 
nor standinge, but bowing his kne towardes the grounde at the receyving therof. 

"7. True. 

** He is enjoined henceforth to wear decent apparell in church and elsewhere on 
pain of deprivation ; to conform before All Saints' Day next, and to appear to certify 
his conformity. 

"February 17, 1566-7. Pronounced contaraacious for not certifying his conformity. 

• A contemporary rhymer writes : — 

" Wood, Williams, Whittingham, and Sutton, 
Valued the Prayer Book not a button, 

gy they grudg'd to say, 
And threw the surplice quite away — 
Alter'd confession, changed the hymns 
For old Jack Hopkins' pithy rhymes." 

Ward's Beformation Cant, i. 


did 8oe farre allowe of that as ha was very carefull to provide the 
best songs and anthems that could be got out of the Queen*8 chapell, 
to furnish the quire with all, himselfe being skillfull in musick.^ 

After, when he had lived in the deanery of Durham five or six 
years more, the rebellion in the North at Durham growing towards, 
Mr. Whittinghara moved the then Bishop,^ divers weeks before 
the rebells broke forth into open act, that he would send for his 

" February 18, 1666-7. Does not appear. Ordered to be cited to appear in person. 

** March 17. Citation again decreed. If disobejed he wiU be depriyed. 

** March 18. John Broket, public notary, appears for the Dean, alleges his con- 
formity and desires dismissal of suit. Ordered to prove conformity. 

" May 26, 1567. A letter of James Bishop of Dorham, put in by proctor, testify- 
ing to the Dean's conformity. 

'< August 2, 1667. After many delays, the Conmiissioners release him from the suit.'' 

* The following letter, printed in Strype's Parker, toI i. pp. 267-8, gives some 
account of Whittingham's official labours : — 

" Qrace, mercy, and peace, through Jesus Christ our Lord I 

** Albeit I am not ignorant how unbeseeming it is to trouble your honour with 
letters of small importance, yet I colde not, in so long tyme, omit to shew some signi- 
fication of my special duety, as wel to yielde unto your honor most liumble thanks, 
with promise of my service where you shall appoint, as also to certify you of our 
doings here. 

'* First, in the morning at six of the clock, the grammar schoole and song schole, 
with all the servants of the house, resort to prayers into the church ; which exercise 
continueth almost half-an-hour. At nyne of the clock we have our ordinary service, 
and likewise at thre aftemone. The Wednesdays and Fridays are appointed to a 
general fast, with prayers and preaching of God's word. The Sundaies and holy- 
days before none we have sermons, and at after none the catechidme is expounded. 

*' Because we lak an able scholemaster, I bestow daily three or four hours in 
teaching the youth, till God provide us of some that may better suffice. 

*< The people in the country are very docile, and willing to hear God's word ; but 
the towne is very stiff, notwithstanding they be handeled with al lenitie and gentle- 
ness. The best hope I have that now of late they begyn to resort more diligently to 
the sermons and service. God make us all profitable setters forth of His gloiy, and 
preserve long, bless, and direct your honour, to His glory and all our comforts ! My 
brother Mr. Hallyday most humbly saluteth your honour ; so doth Mr. Benet. 
** From Durham, this 19th December. 

'* Your honour's most humbly to commande; 

« W. Whittinoham." 
' James Filkington, elected 20th February, 1661, ob. 23rd January, 1676, aged 66. 


teneants to come to his castell at Durham, with their warlike fur- 
niture ; which if he would doe, he could cause all the tenants of 
the church to jojme likewise with them, which would be a means 
to awe the collecting rebells, and be a stay and refuge for many- 
gentlemen of the country to repaire unto, for want wherof many 
might be drawen to adhjere to the rebells ; which fell out after 
according, to the utter ruine of many of the gentlemen and their 
posterityes, and the country to this day doe bearre the scares of that 
error. But the bishop answered that he had a great deale of the 
Queen's money in his hand, and durst not hazard it. 

About a weeke before the rebells rose, Mr. Whittingham rid to 
Newcastle, and, calling the maior and aldermen togeather, did ac- 
quaint them with the then present estate of the country, and how 
much it concerned them to look to their owne safety, for they must 
needs thinke that, upon the said rising, they would first attempt to 
surprise them there, (if they could find them unprovided,) that they 
might be lords of their wealth, and that they might be therby the 
better enabled to maintayne their undertaken enterprise. Wher- 
upon the maior caused the gates of the towne to be presently shutt, 
the ordinance to be carried to the wall, and such further courses 
for fortifications to be used as Mr, Whittingham, out of his ex- 
perience in the seige of Neuhaven, was able to advise them unto ; 
by meanes wherof the rebells never dared the attempt of the seige 
of that towue, which was then the refuge for the better affected 

Mr. Whittingham himselfe tarried at Durham till the Thursday 
next before the Monday that the rebells rose,' secret intelligence 

* This most have been Thursday, November 10, 1669. The following Monday, 
November 14, the Earls of Northumberland and Westmerland had appeared with 
their forces at Durham, and, to inspire the idea that thev fought for the Catholic 
religion, they began their proceedings by tearing in pieces the Bible and throwing 
down the communion table in Durham Cathedral. Earl of Surrey to the Queen, 
November 15, 1569,— State Papers, Record Office. See also Fronde's Ulizabetf^, 
vol. ix. ch. 18, pp. 515 et Beg, 


being brought unto him, if he went not away that night, he could 
not passe southwarde, for the bridges would be taken up the next 
night, to prevent all intercourses and intelligences ; soe that Mr. 
Whittingham going then into the South, the rebells entred into his 
house, and spoyled the same, and rent in peices his books in such 
sort and abundance as was pityfull to beholde.^ 

Mr. Whittingham returned within five weeks, with the Queen's 
army, conducted under the goverment of the aforenamed Ambrose 
Earle of Warwicke and the Earle of Lyncolne ; but the rebells, 
hearing of the Lords^ comming, fledd, and the Lords, comming noe 
further then to Durham, presently returned.* 

For eight or nine years after, Mr. Whittingham lived in the great 
love and liking of his neighbours, for his affability and bountifull 
hoepitallity, which was in such a proportion as it is marvelled even 
to this day how the naked deanery alone (for he had noe more) 
could support his expences. 

After those three yeares were expired, the see of York and of 
Durham became void both at one time,* whereupon the Earle of 
Leycester (being a great favourite in Court, and he that had for- 
merly moved the Queene for the deanery of Durham to be bestowed 
on Mr. Whittingham, as appeareth by the lettre herein before re- 
cited,) caused Sir Edward Horsey (who was captain of the Isle of 

' This statement does not agree with the testimony eyen of their enemies, who 
said that they paid for all they took, and suffered no spoil, and that a soldier who 
had taken a horse of the dean's oat of his stable was punished, and compelled to 
restore the horse. — Sussex to Cecil, Noyember 16, 1569. 

' The Earl of Warwick and Lord Admiral Clinton, afterwards Earl of Lincoln, 
were the leaders. They had reached Wetherby by December 14, and on the 16th the 
rebels bad dispersed. Full particulars of this rebellion will be found in the Calendar 
of State Papers, Addenda, 1569-70, and also in Sir Cnthbert Sharpe*8 MemoriaU 
of the B^hellion of 1569, in which many of the papers are printed. 

' Edmund Grindal, Archbish(^ of York, wsjb translated to Canterbury 10th 
January, 1576, and Edwin Sandys, his successor, wsjb appointed 25tb January, 1577. 
James Pilkington, Bishop of Durham, died Januaiy 23, 1576, and Richard Barnes 
succeeded him 5th April, 1577. By a singular mistake, seyeral authorities name 
Pilkington's death as in January, 1575, instead of 1575-6 ; Barnes's eleyation as in 
April, 1575. 



Wight, a great courtier and one of Mr. Whittingham his Neuhaven 
acquaintance,) to write to Mr. Whittingham to come to the Court, 
and he should not faile to have one of those places. Whereunto 
Mr. Whittingham returned answer by lettre, and sent it to the 
writer hereof, he being then of the Temple, to be delivered ; but 
the lettre being delivered and read, the writer herof got a sight of it, 
and found the effect of the lettre to be, that, touching the motions 
conteined in his lettre, he found himselfe soe declined by age and 
infirmitie, as that he felt himselfe very unfit to undertake soe great 
a place, with the burden that the good discharge of such a place 
required ; and that her Majestic had soe gratiously and liberally 
already recompenced his services, as he should shew himselfe un- 
thankfull if he should not seeme satisfied with soe good a bounty as 
he had already received, and therfore desired him that he, with all 
thankfullnesse and humble acknowledgment in his behalfe, would 
signifie to his honor the deep apprehension he conceived of his love 
towards him, soe effectually demonstrated by liis lordship's mes- 
suage, which should tye him to a perpetuall remembrance of him in 
his prayers, being not able by any means in his power otherwise to 
requite soe extraordinary a favour. 

•.Then, after a while, the archbishoprick of York and bishoprick 
of Durham being bestowed at one time, and both of them preferred by 
the meanes of one and the selfe same noble person, as was reported, 
the Bishop of Durham yelded that the Archbishop should visit the 
chyrch of Durham, not knowing belike, or not regarding, the right of 
his owne church ;^ soe, after a year or two, the deane and prsebends^ 
of the church of Durham were cited to appeare at the visitation.' 

' The claim of the Archbishop to yisit was of course in capacity of his o^ce as 
metropolitan. On the ^neral question whether archbishops hare such power except 
on appeal, see Stephen's Dictionary of Church Law, under Visitation and Metro- 
politan. In the phrase ^* the charch of Durham/' no doubt the diocese is included, 
and, as part^ of the diocese, the cathedral, or rather its clerical officers. 

• The vulgar form for prebendary — the prebend strictly is the property of the stall 
held by the prebendary. 

* A brief notice of this yisitation occurs in the Injunctiont and Ecclesiastical 


The day appointed being come, the Bishop came to Durham, and 
after the sermon in the morning, the Bishop going towards the 
chapter-house to the visitation, Mr. Whittingham asked the Bishop 
whether he would visit in his o wne right ; he answered, in the right 
of the Archbishop ; wherunto Mr. Whittingham answered that 
then he wronged his owne jurisdiction, and the clergie of the country 
in general!, and him and the rest of the Church more specially, for 
that they being swome to maintaine the liberties of their Church, 
and by their statutes having noe visitour but the Bishop of Durham, 
if they should yeild to be visited in the right of the Archbishop, 
they should break their oath.^ All which notwithstanding, and 
whatsoever could be alleadged by Mr, Deane, the Bishop persisted 
in his former resolution ; and by this time, being come neare to the 
chapter-house doore, Mr. Whittingham called to the doore keeper 
to lock the doore, and to give him the keys, which the doore keeper 
did forthwith ; which the Bishop hastning to prevent, Mr. Whit- 
tingham did a little interrupt him, taking holt of his gowne, and 
soe the business was concluded ; but that accident bred a great in- 

Proceedings of Bishop Barnes^ edited by Canon Raine, for the Sortees Society, 
p. 65 ; the Durham chapter records have several allasions to a later and similar contest 
abont 1587, when, during the vacancy of the see of Durham, the Archbishop of York 
had the care of the spiritualities. The papers relating to this vexata questio are*— 

A folio labelled " De sede vacante " containing, among other articles, — 

A paper of reasons why, supposing the Archbishop had power to visit the prior and 
convent, he should not have the same power over the dean and chapter, because they 
are not successors of the prior and convent, but grantees from the King. 

Paper entitled '* Sententia versus Decanum et Capitulum Dunelm. 1590." 

Paper on a dispute between the Archbishop of York and Dean and Chapter of 
Durham, on the right of visitation. 

Paper in Latin on the same subject, with quotations from Latin authors and re- 
marks in English. 

Summary of reasons in favour of the chapter having the right over the spiritualitie«. 

Four papers relating to the custody of the temporalities and spiritualities. 

Selections from the minutes of chapter, entitled Eccles. Cath. Dunelm. Liber 
ActionuMy ah anno 1578 ad 1581. 
* For the chapter statutes, see Hutchinson, vol. il. p. 118, &c., especially chapters 
1. and V. 


dignation, both in the Bishop and Archbisliop, against Mr. Whit- 

Tet did that action adde (if any thing conld be added) to the 
love which the towne and country did already beare towards him,^ 
and did the more aggravate the displeasure conceived against him 
by the Archbishop and Bishop, and soe incense them as it appeared, 
by many of their speeches and actions, that they tooke it for a dis- 
grace offered them, and such as could not be laid aside witliout a 

Hereupon one of the prebends, being one alone, and of a singular 
factious spirit, and bearing ever a malignitie to Mr. Whittingham, 
and spying this opportunity to disgorge himselfe of his long con- 
ceived hatred against him, went to the Bishopps, and acquainted 
them with a plott that he had devised, which [if] they would pur- 
sue, he doubted not but it would eject Mr. Whittingham out of his 
deanery, which they gladly harkned unto, and did with all forward- 
ness pursue. 

The plott was this : that seeing there was one of the secretaries of 
the privy counsell, to whome the Queen had halfe given the deanery 
of Durham, before she gave it to Mr. Whittingham, and did after 
alter her purpose, by the occasion of Mr. Whittingham's preferment 

' It is probably in reference to these and similar proceedings that the Bishop 
writes of the Chorch of Darham as an Angean stable, ** whose stink is grieyons in 
the nose of God and man, and which to purge far passeth Hercules' labonrs." 
Strjpe's Annals, yoI. ii. pt. 2, p. 109, Oxford ed. A news-writer of the time, Fleet- 
wood, recorder of London, speaks of there being a " broil of excommunication be- 
tween the Archbishop and Dean," but plainly says he thinks my Lord Bishop in the 
wrong. Ibid. vol. ii. pt. 2, p. 107. 

* The spirit of the county would be with Whittingham, partly because of the 
clan-like feeling which had always pervaded the Palatinate, and partly because of 
the resistance which had existed for ages on the part of the Northern province to 
any needless interference on the part of the Archbishops of York. An account of 
Archbishop Wickwaine*8 attempt to visit the priory of Durham in 1283 is given in 
Raine's Lives of the Archbithopt of York, p. 320, quoting SUt, Dunelm. Serijftoret 
treSf Surtees Soc. ed. pp. 58-69, and Prynne's Collections, vol. iii. p. 309. Ckron. 
Lanercottf p. 120. For a similar case, see Tn^nnctions of Bishop Barnes, 
Appendix p. viii. 


therunto, by lettres of commendation from Neuhaven, as is afore- 
said, he doubted not but he would helpe, by any means he could, to 
disposseese him of the deanery/ that he might cry quittance with him, 
and gaine the deanery to himselfe ; and therfore if their lordshipps 
would write, or give leave to him to sollicite that secretarie to procure 
a commission from her Majestie, directed to their lordshipps and 
others, to visile the church of Durham, he would preferre such 
articles against the Deane as woidd procure his deprivation. 

The Bishop, following the track^'of his devise, procured a com- 
mission directed to the Lord Archbishop of York, the Earl of 
Huntingdon then Lord President,^ the Lord Leiutenant of the 
North, the Bishop of Durham, the Bishop of Carlisle, the Deane 
of York, and Sir Thomas Boynton, Sir Robert Stapleton, Sir William 
Mallorye, Sir Christopher Wandsford, both of Yorkshire, and divers 
others.' They all came to Durham to the visitation,-^ where they 

' Henry Hastings, third Earl of Hontingdon. He held the office nntil his death, 
31st December, 1595. 

* The commission is printed in Rymer's JFadera, yoI. xy. p. 785, date May 14, 1678. 
In the notice of Whittingham, in Hutchinson's Durham^ ypl. ii. pp. 143-152, a pre- 
Tions commission is said to have been procured by Whittingham to the Archbishop of 
York, the President of the Coancil in the North, and the Dean of York, to determine 
complaints against him, chiefly in reference to the yalidity of his ordination, on 
which Dean Hntton, who inclined to Whittingham, spoke of his ordination as 
snperior to that of the Archbishop. But this commission does not appear on the 
Patent or Close Rolls. Strype {AnnaU Reform, vol. ii. pt. 2, p. 168) places it in 
1576, and records that it had little effect, because of misnnderstandings between tiie 

There is a commisraon on the Patent Boll, 19 Eliz. pars 12, memb. 12 dors., to 
the Bishop of Durham, Henry Lord Hnnsdon, Warden of the East Marches, Cnth- 
bert Lord Ogle, William Lord £ure, Dean Whittingham, and sixteen others, to 
enforce within the diocese of Durham obedience to the Acts of Uniformity, and 
also of assurance of the Queen's power, of 5 Eliz. ; and to the Act of 15 Eliz., to 
suppress all disorders in churches or chapels, or against dirine serrice or the ministers 
thereof, impose fines upon such as absent themselyes, and enforce obedience to the 
Articles of 1562 ; with power to punish disobedience by excommunication, censure, 
or fine, the Bishop keeping a register of the proceedings. It is dated Gorhambury, 
22nd July, 1576. 

' About July 8, 1578, see Appendix p. 42. 


sate four dayes, aganst when the busy instrument I spoke of before, 
had provided more than 50 articles against Mr. Whittingham, and 
presented them to the visitors (amongst whome there ^ere some 
that would looke to it that they should want noe due examination); 
yet after 4 dayes' sifting, when the rest were found to be frivoulous, 
without proofe, and grounded only upon malice, they were all left 
as idle and vaine^ saving 2 ;^ the one that Mr. Whittingham was not 
capable of the deanery of Durham, being only a Master of Arts, the 
statutes of the house requiring that the deane should be a Bachelour 
of Divinity at the least ;^ the second was that Mr. Whittingham was 
not capable of the deanery, for that he was not made minister aflet 
the orders of the Church of England,.but after the forme of Geneva.* 
To which point learned Deane Hutton, then of York, afterwards 
Bishop of Durham, and lastly Archbishop of York,* did then 
say to those that did most urge against it^ that the ministry of 
Geneva was better than that ministrie which was made with these 
words, accipe potestatem scuyrijicandi pro vivis et mortuisj with which 
words it is said the principale objector was made preist,^ and ther- 
fore had the lesse cause to except against the ministerie of Geneva. 

' He is also censured for havnig, in his capacity of Dean of Dnrham, enconraged 
his former friends, Knox and Goodman, to set up Presbjterianism in Scotland, bat 
this does not seem to hare formed one of the articles of his accusation. Hutchinson's 
Jhirham, yoI. ii. p. 147. 

* The statutes making this proviso are of the date of Mary, and printed in 
Hutchinson, toI. ii. p. 118. 

* The question does not appear to hare been whether the ordination was episcopal 
(the high episcopal doctrine dates chiefly from Bancroft, Saravia, and Bilson, about 
1590), but whether the recognised form of Greneva ordination had been g^yen to 
Whittingham. See for fuUer accounts of the case, Appendix Nos. I., n. 

It was said that he was ** made minister by a few mean men and lay persons in a 
private house at Geneva, without the knowledge or consent of Mr. Calvin, chief 
minister there." Strype's Annals, vol. iii. pt. 1, p. 468. 

* In 1595, showing that this life could not have been written earlier than that 

' These words, being employed only in the Romish ordination service, seem to point 
out Whittingham's opponent to be W. Bennett, D.D., who held the fourth stall. 
He and Robert Swift, who was ordained at Louvain, were the only members of the 
chapter that had received Romish orders, but Bennett seems the more likely, because, 


But to proceede : Mr. Whittingham desired that because those 
two articles depended upon points of law, that he might by counsell 
make his answere ; which though some of the commissioners would 
not yeelde unto, yet it was granted by the greater part, and the 
visitation adjourned to York ;^ aganst which day appointed, Mr. 
Whittingham had gott councell from London, to strengthen him 
against bothe those former objections, whereunto the non obstante 
in his patent sufficed to fire him. 

The. visitation then at York being ended, without any certeyn 
adjournment,* neither any sentence or matter given or done against 

being spiritnal chancellor under Bishop Pilkington, and for a short time under Bishop 
Barnes, he would have more infinence than Swift. Hntchinson, vol. ii. p. 183, et seq. 

* This was in August 1578. About this time, on 30th September, 1678, when 
Richard Barnes, Bishop of Durham, assigned the preachers for the diocese for the 
year from Michaelmas 1578 to 1579, he gave twelye sermons to Mr. Dean, of which 
four were in Durham, one in Chester, and one in Lancaster. Injunctions^ ^o,y of 
Richard Barnes, Bishop of Durham, p. 82, Surtees Soc. 

' There was great difference of opinion among the commissioners themselves. The 
Earl of Huntingdon, Lord President, refused to agree to Whittingham's dismissal, on 
the ground of imperfect ordination, ** for it will be ill taken by all the godly and 
learned, both at home and abroad, that we should allow of the popish massing priests 
in our ministry, and disallow of ministers made in a reformed church." He urged 
rectification of the disorders of the chapter, blaming their irregular ways, embezzling 
of revenues, &c., and especially censuring Archdeacon Pilkington and young Bunny, 
as '^precise men who worked all the trouble." Strype, Annals Heform, vol. ii. 
pt. ii. p. 173. 

On the other hand, the Archbishop of York writes to the Lord Treasurer on 
April 4, 1579, from Bishopthorpe, that ** This Durham matter breedeth a great broil. 
The Dean hath gotten more friends than the matter deserveth. The .discredit of 
the church of Greneva is hotly alleged. Verily, my lord, that church is not touched ; 
for he hath not received his ministry in. that church, or by any authority or order 
from that church, so far as yet can appear. Neither was there any English church 
In Germany that attempted the like ; neither needed they to have done, having among 
themselves sufficient ministers to supply the room. But if his ministry, without au- 
thority of God or man, without law, order, or example of any church, maj be current^ 
take heed to the sequel. Who seeth not what is intended ? God deliver his church 
from it ! I will never be guilty of it/' He concludes with a request not to be further 
made a party in this Durham matter. Strype's Annals, vol. ii. pt. ii. pp. 620 — 1, 
Oxf. edit. A full account of the affair is given in Strype, vol. ii. pt. ii. pp. 167 — 176. 
An indefinite adjournment was the inevitable result of these differences. 


him, Mr. Whittingham went up to the privy councell, to move that 
they would call in the commission,^ signifying what had bin done 
in the matter already ; but his sure freind that he had of the councell 
(as is aforesaid) alleadged that the Bishop had more matter to urge 
aganst him ; whereupon lettres were sent to the Archbishop to send 
some to alleadge against Mr. Whittingham, or else the commission 
would be called in.* Whereupon two doctors of the civill law, 
dependants on the Archbishop, were sent up to object against Mr, 
Whittingham, who, after two or three hearings before the Privy 
Councell, one of the Lords asked him if their master had nothing 
to doe but to send such a couple, &c. to object such ydle matters 
against such a man as Mr. Whittingham was knowne to be of the 
most of that borde ; and soe the objectors returned as they 
came, &c.' 

But still his true freind, seeing him dayly to decline more and 
more in his health and spirits, and being oppressed with soe long 
troubles, great expences, and tsedious delays, did even then move 
that Mr. Whittingham (there being then occasion to send an 
ambassador into France,) might be sent thether ; whereupon Mr. 
Whittingham asked the said freind of his if he thought it not suffi- 
cient to seeke to bereave him of his livinge, but of his life alsoe, he 

^ Strype, in his AnnaU of the Reformation, toI. ii. pt. 2, p. 173, sajs that the 
Lord President wrote that there was a manifest desire, on the reading of the com- 
mission, to deal first with the Dean, hnt at length the commissioners consented to deal 
with general disorders, which took so long that thej adjourned to Auckland in 
KoTemhOT. This was the date of Whittingham's jonmej to London, for his second 
certificate, sent to the Commissioners, is dated from London, 15 Not. 1678 (Appendix 
p. 42), and had heen there three months before Candlemas Daj, Febmary 2, 1579. 

* Archbishop Sandys, in legislating upon a similar case several years later, de- 
clared that had iW^hittingham lived he had been deprired, without special grace and 
dispensation. Strype's Whitgifty vol. i. p. 481. 

* There were not wantings erious grounds of accusation against the Dean connected 
with Durham Cathedral, which his biographer has thought fit to omit. 

He made a profit of £20 by taking down and selling the high leaden roof in the 
Frater-house (Refectory), and making it a flat roof instead. He intended to take 
down and sell a peal of four bells which hung in the Galilee steeple, but was 
forestalled by Thomas Spark, the Bishop's suffragan, who removed three of them, at 


seing him in such weaknesse and debility, both of body and spiritt^ 
altogeather unfitt for such imployment. 

But Mr. Whittingham still labouring to gett the commission 
called in, (having tamed there alreadie a quarter of a yeare, with 
eight serving men and all their horses, and in winter, to his excessive 
charge,) his true freind had now found out a new colour of delay ; 
to witt^ that after Easter (it then being about Candlemas) the 
Bishop would come up to the Parlament,^ and soe Mr. Whittingham 
might now goe downe, and then come up againe to heare what the 
Bishops themselves would object against him, as though the 
Bishopps could alleadge more then they had given in instructions to 
the doctors, their proxies. 

his own cost of £30 or £40^ to the gardens, leaying one still standing over the 
Galilee. He removed the marble and freestone slabs that covered the graves of the 
priors of Durham ; had them nsed for troughs for horses and hogs, and some em- 
ployed to constmet a washing-honse. By a kind of retributive justice, his own tomb- 
stone in Durham Cathedral was destroyed by the Scots in 1640. Greenwell's Noteg 
an Bwrham Wills and Inventories^ pt. 2, p. 16. Hutchinson's Durham, vol. U. 
p. 146. 

He removed from the cathedral two holy-water stones; one he placed in his own 
kitchen, where it was used for steeping beef and salt fish ; the other his widow took 
away with her to a house in the North Bailey , whither she removed, and put it in her 
kitchen, carrying away also other stones, as gravestones, Sec, which she required, 
and which remained till a superstitions feeling arising from many deaths in the 
house led to their restoration to the abbey-yard. 

Worse still, on the pretence of executing the instructions of the Queen's Com- 
missioners for the removal of superstitious books and ornaments, the Dean broke up 
and defaced in a fit of iconoclastic zeal an image of St Cuthbert, which he found 
standing by the parlour-door (door of the old locutorium), in the east alley of the 
cloisters ; and his wife, getting into her hands the long venerated banner of St. Cuth- 
bert, which had more than once been a rallying point in times of conflict, especially 
in the battle of the Standard in 1138, " did most injuriously bum and consume the 
same in her fire, iA the notable contempt and disgrace of aU ancient and goodly 
reliques." Wood's Athen€B Oaon. vol. i. p. 449. Mites of Ihirham, pp. 23, 33, 34, 
62, 53, 64, 69, Su/rtees JSoo. Surtees's Durham, vol. i. p. Ixxii. 

^ No Parliament actually met between that of 1 8 Eliz., which commenced its sittings 
on February 18, 1576, and 1681 ; but there were sundry prorogations, and it was pro- 
bably expected to meet earlier. 



Thus you may see how Mr. Whittingham was opprest, though 
having proved himselfe innocent after soe many tryalls ; by which 
heavy hand soe carried over him, he was forced to come downe 
without obteining his just request, which he tooke very greivoudy. 
And though, at his retume to Durham, a great many of the better 
sort of the city and country went to meet him, the bells rung, 
and the people • came running from all parts of the citie, in such 
number as the streets were scantly passable for the multitude 
who, with doubled and 'trebled acclamations of joy, strived to 
exhilirate his hart after all his troubles, but yet all was in vaine ; 
for within four dayes after his retume, he betooke himselfe to 
his bed, and never left it till he departed this life, being nine 
weeks after.* 

And now it is requisite that I should mention what hapned con- 
cerning him in the time of his soe long languishing sicknesse ; how 
he passed it over, and what was the manner of his death. The 
Archbishop, whose malice did not cease to pursue him till death, did 
certifie the lords of the counsel that Mr. Whittingham kept his bed 
pretending sicknesse, and had used some words of vaunting; whereof 
the councell, by their lettre dated 3 May, 1579 (yet to be shewed), 
did advertise him. Whereupon he returning his answer to the 
lords. Sir Francis Walsingham, the principal secretarie, writt to 
him, as followeth : — 

" After my harty commendations. I have received your lettres 
of the 24 of the last, and, according to your desire, presented your 
letters to the lords, who, having seen and read the same, have willed 
me to signifie unto you that they take them in good part, allowing 
soe far forth of your answer to the hard suggestions made unto 
them aganst you, as that they mind to suspend their judgments of 
the information of the speeches you were said to have uttered, untill 

> The biographer here regards Whittingham as a martjr to his obedience to the 
statutes in resisting the Archbishop of York; whereas the Archbishop probably knew 
of the haroc Whittingham had committed in the cathedral ; and his adversary, if the 
Komish prebendary Bennett, might conscientiously consider Whittingham's consecra- 
tion invalid. 


your repair up hither, to satisfy them more fully by word of mouth ; 

and the delay of your coming they have resolved by your said lettre 

to growe of the great weaknesse of your body, which they take to 

be noe matter fained, but a truth. Wishing, if it please God, to 

send you as perfect recovery as yourself desireth, and soe I bid you 

hartily fiurewell. From the Court, the 1st of June, 1579. 

" Your loving freind, 

" Fba. Walsingham. 
"To the right worshipfull my very 

loving freind, Mr. Whittingham, 

Deane of Durham." 

This lettre, being dated the 1st of June, and he dying the 10th 
of June, it preceeded his death but nine dayes ; whence may be 
observed, by these lettres above mentioned, that the malice of his 
adversaries did soe hotly pursue him as would not afford him a time 
of rest from their vexation to dye in. And yet all this storme grew 
only of this (as wee have heard) , for that he made a conscience to 
avoide the breach of his oath, and to maintaine the liberties of the 
church wherunto he was swome ; which case is soe strange (that for 
a matter soe good, soe just, soe conscionable, a man should be so 
persecuted, and that even by those who by their functions are tied 
to instruct and exhort to vertue, and to such actions as a very good 
Christian is tied unto,) as it cannot be paraleled ; and therfore who 
can heare this and not say with the poet — 

" Jupiter, hoc cernis: ne vindice fulmine pugnas? 
Tuque, Astrea^ sinis jura sacrata premi ?" 

But neither yet was God wanting to punish the malice and wicked- 
nesse shewed in this action, neither to take in hand the defence and 
revenge of the cause of the innocent; for that he shewed such 
signes of his revenging hand upon five or six of the principall agents 
in this businesse against Mr. Whittingham, and that soe soone afler 
his death, as it grew to be noted of all men, and of the best ranke, 
as a heavy judgment of God upon them, for their malicious plotts 
and pursuits against him. And as he was first in place of the action, 


whome we have before mentioned, soe was he the first that was 
plagued for his iniquityes ; for being att London, farre from home, 
fell mad, and in soe high degree as he was espied soe to be in the 
streets, as he went up and downe, being at last followed by the 
boyes and children with wondermente, as crowes doe after Iblank] 
and soe he went to Ware, and there died in that pitifuU-case.' 

The rest had great blemishes in their lifetimes, and in their death 
some of them had a judgment accompaning them. I doe of purpose 
absteine either from particulating those judgments (but of the first 
which was soe notorious to all), or nominating of any of the parties, 
least the parties should be easily found out ; for I neither desire nor 
delight in laying aspersions on them, much lesse on the dead, and 
soe long since, but that the necessity of the history hath enforced 
me ; and therin have I stryven to be as obscure as I could, not be- 
traying the historic, even for charity sake towards the dead, and 
soe I desire to be construed, lest, whilest I declare other men's malice, 
I should shew myselfe to want charitie. 

To this I may adde, by way of note, that as the former oppo- 
site went not scot-firee who persecuted Mr. Whittingham, soe Deane 
Button, ever standing with Mr. Whittingham, was after advanced 
to the bishoprick of Durham, and after to be Archbishop of Yorke.* 

And having now declared the occasion and proces of the crosses 
which Mr. Whittingham susteined in the cause aforementioned, it 
is fit and convenient that the manner of his death, and carriage in 
his long languishing sicknesse be also declared. Soe soone as he 
kept his bed, he sent for some of his freinds, and by their advise 
he made his will ;' which after it was done, he willed those that 

* The conjecture has ahreadj beenhazarded (note 4, p. SO,) that thischief opponent 
of Whittingham was Wm. Bennett, prebendary and spiritnal chancellor ; and it 
derives strength from the fact that Bennett resigned his prebend in 1579, within a few 
months after Whittingham's death, probably on account of madness, and died in 1583. 

s His fayonr to Whittingham was afterwards made an article of accusation 
against himself. Strjpe's Annals, Yol. iii. pt. i. p. 463. 

* It bears date 18 April, 1579. In it he thanks God for calling him from the 
blindness of idolatry and superstition to be partaker of the blessed light of his 
Oospel, and making him a preacher of his holy ministry. He divides his goods into 


were about hira that none should henceforth troble him with any 
worldly matters ; and, though he continued languishing about nine 
weeks after in his bed, he would seldome admitt any company 
to come to him, unlesse some speciall freinds, and those also 
rarely ; and being diverse times asked of his fceinds why he was 
soe solitary, and would not delight in company which might help 
to alleviat his sicknesse, he would answer them, had he not com- 
pany enough there ? and would take up his Bible, and shew it them, 
which lay by him continually on his bed. Sometimes in his 
sicknesse, and diverse times, he would call all his servants, which 
were many, to come into his chamber^ and would exhort them for 
an houre togeather to the feare of God, and privately would call 
them by one and by one, and tell them of such faults as he had 
suspected them to be guilty of, and did admonish them to leave 
them, shewing withall that he had bin too indulgent or negligent 
toward them, in not carrying a stricter hand over them ; for this 
he did now find as great a burden in conscience as for any other 
his sins that he could remember, and did verily think that that 
negligence towards them had as much drawne these his late a£9ic- 
tions and crosses upon him as any other his sins whatsoever. 

three equal parts, beqneathing one to his wife, a second to his daughters Sarah, 
Judith, Deborah, and Elizabeth, when 24 years old or married; the portion of any 
that die to go to poor diyinity students in Oxford or Cambridge. The third portion is 
bestowed in numerous legacies: £10 to poor householders in Durham; £6 IBs. M. to 
poor strangers of the French church in London ; to the Countesses of Huntingdon 
and Warwick each a book with a coyer sUyer-gilt, value £10 ; to his two elder 
daughters £30 ; his cousin Rich. Whittingham £5 ; the rest in small sums of from 
£4 to Is. %d. to sundry persons, including his nurse and many seryants, the petty 
canons, choristers, schoolmasters, &c. ; Dr. Pilkington has a legacy of 10«. and his 
former coadjutors, Mr. Goodman and Mr. Gilby, each an old ryal. Residue to his 
wife, younger son Daniel, and two younger daughters. 

Of his landed property, the manor of East and West Baulk, co. York, and 
rectory of Mitgarth, he leaves to his son Timothy, with reversion to Daniel and 
his daughters, reserving to his wife her thirds, and £400 profits towards the bringing 
up of his chUdren, and making her sole tutor of the younger ones, the eldest son 
being a ward of the crown. Durham Wills, edited by Rev, W. Cfreenwell for the 
Su/rtees Society , pt. ii. pp. 14 — 19. 


The biography of Dean Whittingham here ends, but his French- 
bom widow claims a concluding notice. As stated in his will, she 
had a fair share of his property, and the guardianship of her younger 
children, but the breath could scarcely have been out of his body 
when she dispatched a messenger to London, to make two requests; 
one for the custody and marriage of her eldest son Timothy, who 
had become a Queen's ward, and the other for all debts due to her 
late husband at the time of his decease. Both were granted. On 
the 15th of June, a patent was issued in London granting her the 
wardship of her son,^ and Secretary Walsingham CQUsented to write 
to the vice-dean and chapter on her behalf. 

Meanwhile, on the 16th of June, a decree was pronounced by 
Francis Bury, the vice-dean, and the chapter, that " Mistress Whit- 
tingham shall have answer to her bill touching all dueties that is 
behind to her late husband, our Deane deceased, and that she the 
same day shall answer the college all such duties as is behind." 

On June 30th, at a meeting of the chapter, Mr. Vice-dean read 
the letter of Secretary Walsingham, and it was decreed that Mr. 
Balph Lever shall indite the answer, as follows : — 

The Lorde Jesus assiste your honour with His holye spirite I We 
have receyf ed your honour's letters in the behalf of Maistres Whitting- 
ham and her fathcrlesse children. In which lettres your honour prayeth 
us to yeld vnto them all that was due to our late Deane at the tyme of his 
deathe, and not to withdrawe anye parte of hys quotidians, for the tyme 
of his last beinge at London; vnto which your honour's most godlye 
request we doo willinglye yelde, marvelinge whye anye should neede to 
procure lettres in this behalf, except it were to lett vs understande that 
he was absent from us by comaundement, to attend upon our Lords 
of her Majesty's most honorable Privie Councell. And if they were 
for that end, then doo we take your honour's lettres to be a sufficient 
proofe that he had good cause of absence, and such as by our Statutes is 
to be allowed of : notwithstanding if they had lacked such proofe, yett 
eche one of us wold have yelded herin, as well at your honour's request, 

' Potent BoU, 21 Eliz. 


as also to lett the worlde see that we neyer meante to deale hardlye withe 
anye, muche lesse withe wedowes and fatherlesse children. 

Thus, wishinge to have your honour's heaipe that a good man maye he 
onr Deane, we comitt your honor to the tuition of the Almightye. From 
Duresme the last of June, 1579. 

Your honor's most humhle to commande, 

The snhdeane and prebendaries of Duresme. 

Fra. BtJRT, Vicedecanus. 
John Pilkington. 
R'o. Bbllamte. 
Raphe Lever. 
Peter Shawe. 
Leo. Pilkikoton. 
Geo. Cliffe. 

To the right honorable Sir Frances Walsingham, knight, principall 
Becretarye to the Queene's Majestie.^ 

A few months later Whittingham's successor, Thomas Wilson, 
writing to the vice-dean, says — •* I understand the widow Whit- 
tingham is to be called before you, for some matters of moment, 
that not only touch you all in general, but also myself in particular. 
Far the profits of the deanery due to me since her husband's 
departure, which I have by grant from Her Majestic, I pray you 
call her to account, and also require, her to shew unto you what 
leases she hath of the house, without concealment of any of thiem. 
October 22, 1579." 

Our next record of Eatherine Whittingham is a curious incident 
recorded in 1583. She was accused by a neighbour, Margaret Key, 
wife of Francis Key, master of the grammar school, of defaming 
her character by reporting that she had had a child before marriage* 
Margaret first mentioned the report to Mrs. Whittingham in an 
evening walk in the dean's garden, in Michaelmas 1583. Mrs. Whit- 
tingham's answer was, '* I do not say that you had any child before 

1 From the Durham Chapter Archiyes. 


you were married, but I say that I have heard that you had a child 
before you were married, but I will not say that it is true ; do your 
worst, I will not fly the country." 

A few days later, the aggrieved Mrs. Key's husband went, and 
several others with him, to call upon Mrs. Whittingham at her own 
house. He spoke first with her, but when she saw the others, she 
exclaimed, *' Do ye bring witnesses with you? Then do what you 
can, do what you dare ; I said I heard so, but i do not say it is 
true. Do ye come to me moi*e than to others ?* She then named 
several persons from whom she had heard the report, adding *' Ask 
of the boys of the grammar school, and sue me at York, sue me at 
London, I will answer you." She was sued, but only in Durham, 
and the result of the suit does not appear.' 

The last mention found of her is her will,* dated December 9, 
1590. She bequeaths her mansion and dwelling-house in the North 
Bailey, and also her lands in France near Orleans, inherited from 
her father, to her son Timothy. Her houses in Eingsgate, near the 
Bow Church, Durham, to Daniel. All her armour and warlike 
furniture to her sons, and her grandson Bobert Birkhead ; and after 
sundry bequests of furniture, plate, books, &c. including the '* Actes 
and Monuments of the Church,*' and her " great French Bible," she 
divides the rest between her daughter Judith, then the only one 
unmarried, and the children. of her daughter Birkhead. 

* DepoHtiantfrom the Cifurtt of Durham, pp. 314 — 316, Surteet Society. 

* Durham Wills, pp. 16, 16, edited by Rey. W. Greenwell, for the Surtees 


Mr. W[iliiam"| W[hittingliara,] now Deane of Diirresme, hath not 
proved that he was orderly made minister at Geneva, acccording 
to the order of Geneva, by public authority established there. 

In 'the third article' objected against Mr. W. W[hittingham] it is The objection against 
affirmed that he is neyther deacon nor minister according to the lawes ^^- W[hittingham.] 
of this realme, but a mere lay man. 

By way of answere, he confesseth that he is neyther deacon nor minister jjj^ answere to the 
according to the order and lawes of this realme, but that he is a mere lay objection, which ia 
man he denieth. For (saith he) in his answere to the third article, I was ^iP^^^ite, 
ordered in Queen Marie's tyme in Geneva, according to the forme ther 
used, which I think (saith he) to be one in effect and substance with the 
forme now used in England, or allowed of in King Edward's tyme, which 
order of myne was as agreeable to the laws of this realme as any other 
forme, untyll 8 year of the Queen's Majesty's raigne. This is the sum of 
his answere to that article. . 

To his confession, viz., that he is not deacon nor minister According to The seyerall conside- 

the lawes of this realme, I add her Majesty's letter wrote to the Arch- rations of theparticn- 

1 • 1 J* T-^ 1 1 1 :i X 1* ^1 • • laxities of his answere. 

bishop of 1 ork, my lord and master, commanding us the commissioners, 

chifely and above all other things, we should enquire of his ministry, and 
lymiting how, if he be not ordered by some superior authoritie, according 
to the lawes and statutes of our realme, " then my express pleasure and 
commanding is," (saith her Majesty) &c. What [we] as commissioners, 
as her majesty's subjects were to do in this 8[ame], her Majesty's laws 
being correspondent and redy for the execution of her Majesty's command- 
ment, I urge not, but leave to your honourable consideration. 

The later part of his answere is wholly untrue, but I impute hit to his 
ignorance, which is the less excusable, because hit is " ignorantia iuris." For 
in the first year of her Majesty's raigne, in the same moment of tyme and 
by the same authoritie that Queen Marie's ordering was repealed, King 
Edward's was revived ; and many lemed and godly ministers were made 
before the eight yere and synce the first of her Majesty's raigne. Mary 
[Marry?], in 8 yere, and uppon some doubte in Bonner's case, a farther 



additional declaration and confirmation was made of King Edward^s statute 
State of the question for ordering of ministers and consecrating of bysshops. The middest of 
u in facto. j^jg ang^ere conteyneth the state of the question in fact ; whether or no, 

he were made minister in Geneva, according to the order of Geneva. 
His first profe. For profe thereof on his behofe and part, he hath exhibited two sertifi- 

cates, the first exhibited by himself at Dorrisme, dated no where for the 

place, for the tyme hit bare the date of the 8 of July, in the twentieth 

yere of her Majesty's raigne, subscribed by eight persons. That serti- 

The worde of the first ficate had these words of testificacion. Hit pleased God, by lote and 

sertificate. election of the whole English congregacion ther, orderly to chuse Mr. 

W. W[hittingham] to the office of preaching the word of God, and minister- 
ing the sacraments. 
The defect of the first With this sertificate 3 fautes were found — first, that hit might 

inl^ee*^ "^ ntes^'*' ^*^® ^^ ^^^^ ^^ ^^' W[hittingham'8] chamber, for anything that 

did appear in the sertificate to the contrarye. 2°. That they were 
witnesses, but not sworen, and therefore not to be credited. " Testi 
non iurato non creditur." Which in common persons as they were, 
(under the state of nobilitie, which in this realme onely haihe tliat privi- 
leg) is undoubtedlye true. 3^ — Th'archbishop, my lord and master, 
layd hold on these woordes : " by lote and election,** offering greatly that 
neyther in Geneva, nor in any reformed church in Europe, hit culd be 
proved that any such order was ever used or allowed of, first and last only 
hit was seen used in Matthias the Apostle. For the confirmacion of his * 
opinion, he avouched Mr. Calvin, who affirmeth that that election was not 
nor is not to be drawen into example. In this poynt Mr. Deane of York 
and Mr. Archdecon Ramsden dyd not disagre from my lord. 

A second profe by a Agaynst our next meeting at York, a moneth after and moore, Mr. 

amendme^^oTthe^* • ^®*^^® exhibited an other sertificate, subscribed with the same persons, one 

of the first sertificate. of the eight changed, and an other set in his place, with the amend- 
ment of those fautes which were in the first sertificate, as they culd be 
amended : for first, hit was dated at London, 15 November then folowing ; 

The worde of the se- secondly, they were sworn uppon the holy Evangelists, before one 

Paule Tilte, a public notary, as he saith of himself ; lastly, lote and elec- 
tion was tomed in to suffrages. Hit pleased God by the suffrages of the 
whole (Englyshe) was left out, orderly to chuse Mr. W. W[hittingham] 
unto the office of preaching the woorde of God, and ministering His sacra- 



ments. Farther, they say, that he was admitted minister, and so pub- 
lished, with sach other seremonies as ther is used and accustomed. Here 
is all that Mr. Deane hath brought for the profe of the fact, viz., that he 
was made minister at Geneva, according to the order ther. 

Briefly, I say, this is no proofe of the fact, especially for three causes : The insuflSciency of 
First, although I have nothing in specie to object agaynst the witnesses, ^^ second sertificate, 
for I know them not but Mr, John Bodley, whom for his integritie of life f j^^t, consisteth also it 
and just dealing in the world I beleve to be an honest man, yet in three poyntes. 
g[eneral], by their contraritie and diversitie in sertifying, they have 
greatly discredited themselves, and diminished the faith that otherwise 
might have byn given them. The selfsame men, of the one and selfsame 
thing, to depose after one manner in July, and after another in November 
folowing, are to be suspected as too affectioned to the cause. 

Secondly, your honour's judgment humbly reserved, hit is agaynst aU 
equitie of law or reason that judges, such especially as were imediately de- 
puted from the person of her highnes, " suprema sua authoritate," shuld be 
tyed in consciene and knowleg to geve credite and direct our judgments 
according to the sayings of men whom we never saw, whom we never knew ; 
examined in London, we being in York, withowt our knowleg, withowt our 
licenc or authoritie, for the performanc thereof: ** Testibus,non testimoniis, 
credendum est; alia est enim authoritas presentium testium, alia testimoni- 
orum, quse recitari solent." And this is so sure a ground and so agreeable to 
reason and nature, that if a cause be delegated " juris solemnitate omissa,'* 
yet '* testimonia,*' which a man may bring into the curt in his purse or his 
poket, are so far from making a proof as they do not so much as make 
"indicium probationis;'* but "testes praesentes," whom the judges may 
vewe " quo vultu, qua constantia, qu^ animi trepidatione testificentur," 
and that in the presenc of the avers party, which the law of nature re- 
quireth, who might propose exceptions agaynst the persons and sayings 
of the witnesses, with interrogatories if he listed, to the easier and better 
serch of the truth. If this had byn don, or if this shalbe don, the truth 
of this matter shall fall into a more open light and fullness then yet hit 
hath done ; especially in the most materiall poyntes wherin the witnesses 
yeld no reason of their sayings, and therefore not to be credited ; and 
wherin the later sertificate is coningly but yet insufficiently penned :— 
*' admitted minister," they tell not by whom, which of necessitie ought to 



hiLve byn expressed; "and so published, with such other ceremonies as 
ther is used and accustomed." Here, under your honor's correction, cere- 
monies is referred to publication, and not to admission, but I graunt hit 
An answere to the ar- ^^ referred to both, yet it cometh to short. For altho hit be generally 
pument made for the true that a thing ones don is presumed to be don with all due ceremonies, 

yet that rule, as all other for the most part, hath his restrictions and 
limitations, and namely, in Mr. W[hittingham's] case in this question of 
fact. '^ In ordinibus conferendis plures sunt solemnitates, aliffi interne, 
alisB extemae.'* Internae be thre ; " sstas, morum gravitas, literarmmt 
Bcientia." Extemae, be two, " authoritas ordinantis " and " forma ordi- 
nationis." If, after a number of years, any man be denied to be a mimstery 
becaus at his ordering he had not years sufficient, or wanted leming or 
honestie, if he prove the external solemnities " authoritatem ordinantis," 
(which, by Buser's opinion, ought to be a bishop or superintendent,) and 
^< formam ordinationis," which chifely consisteth in imposition of hands, the 
interne ceremonies are to be presumed, and so this doctrine is to be 
understanded, under your honor's correction and pardon. But if it be 
denied, as hit is by Mr. W[hittingham,] that he or they that ordered had 
any authoritie at all to call him, or that he was not ordered according to 
the prescript other of the commonwelth wherein he was made minister, 
these solemnities becaus they are " facti " are not presumed, unless they 
be expressly proved ; " facta non presumantiir, nisi expressim probentur.*' 
Agayne, my lord, wher the law doth require a solemnitie to be expressly 
proved, as hit doth in the minister for exteme solemnities, the pre- 
sumption of law will not suffice. That imposition of hands is, as well by 
the judgment of the devines as lawers, of necessitie to be required, Mr. 
Calvin is very playne in his 4. booke of his Instit. ca. 3, sect. 16, wher 
first he saith that the apostles used no other ceremonies, "non alia 
ceremonia usa sunt, cum aliquem ministerio admonebant, quam manuum 
impositione." 2**, he saith, " fuit hie solemnis ritus quoties ad mi- 
nisterium ecclesiasticum aliquem vocabant. Sic pastores, et doctores, 
sic diaconos consecrabant," And although ther be no certayn and 
expresse commandment for imposition of hands ; ^' qui tamen (saith he,) 
fuisse in perpetuo usu apostolis, videmus, jlla tam accurata eorum 
observatio praecepti vice nobis esse debet." 

There is of late years a book writen in very good laten, very methodi- 

Imposition of hands 
in the making a mi- 
nister required of ne- 


cally and lemedlye, the author's name is concelpd, it is entitled " De 
disciplina ecclesiastica," which saith in these words : " Post designation em 
qu83 electione fit, ceremonia quaedam adhibentur, quibus designatus 
tanquam possessionem mnneris sui accipiat. Haec autem ordinatio quam 
appellamus, in duobus fere ceremoniis, prsecibus nimirnm et manuum 
impositione consistit, sub quibus etiam et muneris explicatione complector. 
Hac enim (manuum viz. impositione) simplicissim^ ceremonia Evangelium 
contentum est ministros suos quasi investire.** This was practised by 
Paule in making of ministers, " commonefacio te, ut suscites donuin Dei 
quod in te est, per impositionem manuum mearum." This was com- 
manded by Paule to be used by others when they made ministers, " manus 
cito ne cui imponas.*' Mr. W[hittingham] is so far from proving' of these Sufficient matter not 
materiall poyntes, as he hath not so much as alleged them. And there- ^J^fe^ by ^ WThit- 
fore, to us as judges, ther is no such matter to be proved. " Idem est, tingham.] 
non -esse et non apparere." 

Mr. W[hittingham] being thus defective in proving the fact in th^ Mr. W[hittingham*8] 
question of his ministre obstinately refused to conforme himself to the ^f^f^f^^^i/^^^ 
order of this realme, as appeareth by his confession to the 6 article of 
the positions additionalls ; for whenas he was privately and friendly moved 
by my lord of Durrisme, now his ordinary, to conforme himselfe to her 
majestie^s laws, he first dowbted and required tyme of deliberation ; uppon 
deliberation he gave answere he wold not. He that shall witingly and 
disobediently (lyving in any nationall church in the world, taking livings 
in that church as a member thereof) cut himself from the unitie of that 
church, if hit be " in articulis fidei vel in sacramentis, est haereticus ;" if 
** in ritibus et ceremoniis, est scismaticus." The particular application I The peyne of singu- 
refer to your honourable consideration. ^*^*^« ^ churchmen. 

Lastly, And please your Honour : Ther be ij poyntes in the ministre ij things in every mi- 
chifely to be respected, the one relying on God's word, the other on man's ^^cted!"^^"^^ ^ ^ 
authoritie. When a man is called to the ministre, he is authorized to 
preach, to minister the sacraments and other things expressed in God's 
book, incident to his office, and may do hit without man's law. But he 
can not call himself; " quomodo praedicabunt nisi mittantur? Nemo 
assumit sibi honorem, nisi qui vocatus est, tanquam Aaron :" who shall 
call him, in what forme, when, how, and such other ceremonies, is not 
put down in God's word, but left to the Christian practice. Unless, 

the whole. 


therefore, Mr. Whittingham prove he was made minister at Geneva, 
according to the law ther, if hit were ** ant contra ant prieter formam 
specificam jure Grenevensi pnhlico stahilitam/' he was neyther minister 
ther, nor here now is, "quod contra legem factum est nullam habet 
The recapitulation of Brifely and humhly to recapitulate to your Honour the sum of this 

myrude and simple speeche. How greatly Mr. W[hittingham] hath, in- 
tangled himself within the danger of her Majestie's lawes generally, and 
her highen&s' commandment particularly, his owne confession (which is 
repugnant to hoth) doth manifestly declare. The defect of his first ser- 
tificate for the truth of the matter, the unsufificiency of the second in the 
probation of the fact, the necessitie of imposition of hands omitted, his 
contempt in conforming himself, uppon his ordinaries admonition, to her 
Majesty's lawes ; his simplicitie in separating himself from the unitie of 
this English church, be such matters as my lord and master, placed under 
God and her Majestie chifest in the north over ecclesiasticall persons, can 
not but greatly fere, as a sparkell of scisme contemned that may grow to 
a flame of division. He doubteth not but your Honors will provyd for 
hit, and therefore humbly prayeth hit may not be remitted. Domestic 
PaperSy temp. Eliz. vol. cxxx. No. 23, Public Record Office, 

An abstract is printed, but with considerable omissions, in Strype's 
Annals^ vol. ii. pt. ii. pp. 170 — 175. 






A note or breviarie of confessions and proofs against Mr. William 
Whittingham, in the Quenes Majesties Visitation of the Church 
of Durresme. 

1. No lawful miniBter. That he is no minister, according to the lawes 1 ^ , . ,. . 

.^^ ,. -^,. , ^ By himselfe confessed, 

or statutes, or ordinances of this realme . .J 

2. Not gradoate as he That he is not graduate, as the deane of thafj 
ought to be. churche ought to be, by the statute of the same, I 

viz. : 8acr8B Theologiae professor, Baccalaureus [ 
ne vel Juris Doctor. , . . .J 

Confessed as afore. 

3. Irregular. 

That, notwithstanding the premisses, he hath 

ministered the Holy Communion . 



4. SchiflDiatick. 

That he is a misliker of the English Church 1 

f Partlie proved, 
• • « • .X 

Service . 

5. Seditions. 

\ Proved by one witness. 
That he was a furtherer to the setting forthe 1 and the book extant, 
of the wicked book against the lawfull regiment ( with an epistle to it in 
of women. . . . . .his name printed at 


6. An adul- Ig^ je- T^a* he is defamed of adulterie. 

terer and >f^j^^^^ Dronkennes. 
dronkard. j 

Partly proved. 

7. A slander Jg^^^. That he is offensive and slanderous to the 1 t> -xv j 

to the mi- [f^ ^ ^:„:„,,„-« \ ^^^^^ V^^^^' 

nisterie. ^^•**"^*** mimstene. . . . . , J 

8. Of an evill mynde. That he threatened the overthrowe of Durham 1 p-^vy^^ 





9 A dilapidator. 

10. Perjured 

11. His ministerie 

12. His testimoniaU 
not proved. 

That he hath hene a dilapidator of the state of 
the churche, in leasing his own corpes of the 
deanrye, and of other the prebends.' In taking 
the treasure, common rents, many common com- 
modities, and converting them to his owne use. 
In neglecting to give authoritie to leavy arrerages, 
whereby they are growen to be great, and some 
of them desperate. In denieng to grant authoritie 
to defend sutes, whereby the churche hath latelie 
lost xxx" a yeare. In spoiling the woods. In 
prodigall wasting the house- treasure, as cc. marks 
in one iomey, beside vij*** for wyne and sugar, and 
other spices. 

That he hathe broken divers statutes of the^ 
said church, whereunto he was sworne, as well in 
the premisses, as in keping chapters forth of the 
chapter house ; in sealing leases not before re- 
gistered; in not distributing the almes-money 
and accompting for it; in omitting negligently 
ordinary chapter dayes ; and in evell kepiug the 
registers and evidence of the churche, and so 
consequentlie hath committed perjurye. 

> Proved. 

> Proved. 

His pretended priesthoode or ministerie of 1^ , ffi ' f 1 oA 

ineva order. •..../ 


His reading of the B testimoniall of his assent-) 
and subscription to th'articles of relligion, accord- 
ing to the statute of Anno xiij Domin» Regin» } ^"P^^^^^' 


Endorsed— A breviarie of proofs against the Deane of Durham. 
Domestic Papers, temp. Elizabeth, vol. cxxx. No. 24. 

* This is the Corpus land— the separate estate specially appointed to the dean and 
each prebendary. 

/ * 

• • / , I' 

^ t r . < •-'• . X,'; < ^ ( 












In the Hardwicke State Papers (i. 494) is printed a paper, 
entitled : ** The answers of the Earl of Bristol to certain interroga- 
tories intended for his Majesty's private satisfaction, with a reserve 
for a permission of making recourse to such other things as may be 
further necessary to his clearing." It consists of twenty questions 
put to Bristol after his return from Spain in 1624, together with 
his replies. The seventh interrogatory and its answer are as 
follows : 

Why did you so confidently infonn his Majesty from time to time of their real 
and sincere proceeding in Spain, haying been acquainted hefore with the affront 
put upon his Majesty with the breach of the treaty concerning the match of Frince 

Answer. To the first part of the seyenth interrogatory, he saith, he neyer gaye 
his Majesty any hopes of tlleir real proceedings in Spain, but the same that were 
then giyen him without adding or diminishing ; neither could he haye done other- 
wise with honesty and safety. Further, the hopes he gaye were neither upon con- 
jectures or yain intelligence, but upon all the assurances both in word and writing 
that could pass between Princes and Christians. And if the despatch he wrote to 
his Majesty, bearing date the 9th of September, 1623, may but be perused, he no 
way doubteth but it will appear that he was not deceived, but seryed his Majesty 
with no less care and yigilancy than with truth and fidelity. Lastly, he saith he had 
reason to giye such hopes as he did of that which he neyer doubted but that it 
would take effect until after the stay of the desposorios. As for the inference con- 
cerning the match of Prince Henry, it being ten or twelve years since, we have 
many fresh examples that states alter their resolutions in their designs, and many 
times their alliances in much shorter time. But for that the giving a due answer 
unto this point by deducing business from Prince Henry's time unto this present, 
would be greater length than befitteth this answer, he will, in a paper apart ^ set 
down the whole progress of the busines from the year 1611 unto this present time 
wherein he no way doubteth but to make it appear to his Majesty that he hath 
served him like a good and faithful servant. 

This paper apart, probably delivered at the same time, that is to 
say, about July 10, 1624, is now printed from Tanner MSS. Ixxiii. 



fol. 449, and containing, as it does, statements of events some of 
which are not known upon any other authority, may be regarded 
as a valuable accession to our knowledge of the period. The MS. 
is not in BristoPs own hand, but is either a contemporary copy, or 
at least one of a not much later date than the original. To this 
has been added a further explanation given by Bristol to Bucking- 
ham on the 16th of March, 1625, which is to be found amongst the 
Domestic State Papers (clxxxv. 59, ii.) These two papers, together 
with Bristol's answers to the interrogatories printed in the Hard- 
wicke State Papers, and his reply to the charges brought against 
him when he was impeached^ in 1626, contain all that he thought 
fit to say in defence of his political conduct. 

In order, however, that the reader may have present before him 
the circumstances under which the defence was made, I have 
thought it would be worth while to put together an account of the 
treatment which he received after his return from Spain. Unless 
I am much mistaken, there will be few, even amongst those who 
have no sympathy whatever with Bristol as a politician, who will 
not learn to respect the character of the man. If I have allowed 
my extracts to run to more than usual length my excuse must be, 
that, being almost entirely from unpublished documenta in the 
Record Office, or in Mr. Digby's collection at Sherborne Castle, I 
have reason to believe that they will be for the most part new to 
members of the Society, and that it seemed better to let the characters 
speak for themselves than to allow them to express themselves 
through the medium of my mind. 

On the 22nd of January, 1624, soon after receiving his letters of 
recall, Bristol wrote from Madrid to Secretary Calvert.^ He was, 

1 Bristol to Calrert, Jan. 22. S. P. Spain. 


he said, in a very difficult position. He must travel homewards 

with his " wife, children, and a familye of above fourescore persons, 

with a necessitye of returning through France, having noe meanes 

to passe by sea, and noe kind of care of" him, ** nor any one pennye 

of money e," though 6,000Z. were due to him from the Exchequer, 

He would borrow 4,000Z. for his journey, and -hoped it might be 

repaid from the sum owing to him. In a letter to the King ^ written ' 

on the same day, after protesting that, if he had erred, it was out 

of ignorance, he said : — ■ 

I shall onelie presume to be a most hmnble snytoar nnto jonr Majestie for one 
thinge which your Majestie hath beene pleased often grationslye to promise me, and 
uppon it to giye me yonr hande to kisse — that I shonlde never be condemned by 
you or cast out of your favour, untill I should have appeared in your presence, and 
had a gratious hearing. I therefore begg it of your Majestie on my knees that I 
may appeare before you without prejudice or disfavour, and in leiw * of this grace 
and goodnesse of your Majesties I shall most wiUinglie submitt myself e to have my 
jmnishment doubbled in anie kinde I shall be f ownde faultie. J 

Would James keep his promise, or rather would Charles and 
Buckingham, by whom the old King was now directed, allow him 
to keep it ? 

On the 29th of January Bristol took leave of the King of Spain, 
Philip giving him a ring ** which he took off his finger, wishing 
him to wear it in memprie of him who would ever be his friend."* 
But Bristol was unable to start at once. The 4,000Z. which he in- 
tended to borrow were not to be had without better security than 

» Bristol to James I. Jan. 22. S. P. Spain. 

' In lieu of, i.e. in exchange for. So in the Tempest, Act 1, Sc. 2. 

This King of Naples, being an enemy 

To me inveterate, hearkens my' brother's suit j 

Which was, that he, in lieu of the premises 

Of homage, and I know not how much tribute, 

Should presently extirpate me and mine 

Out of the dukedom. 
' Aston to Conway, Feb. 7. S. P. Spain. 

a 2 


his own engagement. It was only by pawning his plate that he 
was able to obtain money for his journey, and to set out on the 17tli 
of MarcL^ 

The following letter, written by him on his way home to the 
Prince's secretary, shows the temper in which he approached 
England: — 

Good Mr. Secretary Cottington. Ther is noe man living knoweth better then 
jonrselfe how zealous I have bene nnto the Prince's serrice, and whilest I thought 
he desyred the match, I was for it against all the woild ; now the treatye is ended 
the world shall see I never hadd nor will have anye affections of myne owne, hut 
will wholyo follow my master's, as I have written unto you in my former letters, and 
have not these foure moneths spoken a woorde in l;he marriadg. If his Majesty e 
and the Prince will have a warr I will spende my life and fortunes in it without 
so much as replying, in what quarrell so ever it be, and agaynst whomsoever it be, 
and of thus much I intreate yow lett his High[ness] be informed by yow, and I 
intreate yow lett me knowe his directions, what he will have me doe, and how to 
behave my selfe at his feete, which I desyre to doe the first thing after my landing, 
to the end that understanding his pleasure I may comitt noe errour. I beseech yow 
to dispatch this bearer backe unto me with all possible speede, though it be with noe 
on word more, but what the Prince will have me doe, wherwith I shall come muy 

I understande that I have bene much bownd unto the Prince for the procuring 
the foure thowsand powndes to be payd, and for my pension. I prayow present 
unto him my most humble thankes, and I confesse I have bene much more com- 
forted with that demonstration of his favour then I can be with the monye. 

I doubt not but at this time I shall have the effects of a reall frendship from 

yow in this particular ; and so, desyring to have my service remembred nnto my 

Lady Cottington, I rest 

Your faythfull fricnde to serve yow, 


I pray yow move the Prince that on of the 

Kinges shipps may be presently appointed 
' to waft me over, for I have a greate cargo * 

of the Prince's with me. 

Poictiers, the 16th of April, 1624, st* vet.» 

* Abstract of Aston's letter. March 29. S. P. Spain. 

• The jewels presented to the Infanta, and now returned. Bristol was obliged, 
as he afterwards complained, to cross the sea without any protection. 

» Bristol to Cottington, April 16, 1624. Harl. MSS. 1680, fol. 138. 


It is plain that Bristol had no intention of throwing himself into 
opposition to the Court. His ideas, on this head, were much the 
same as Bacon's. His tongue was his own never to say that to be 
right which he thought to be wrong; but his actions were his 
master's, and he was ready to carry out to the best of his ability 
any policy which might be enjoined upon him. 

That James, if he had been Jeft to himself, would have welcomed 

back his faithful servant can hardly admit of a doubt. But this 

was the very thing which Buckingham dreaded. If Bristol and 

James were once together, he thought, there would soon be an end 

of the King's new an ti- Spanish policy. At all hazards the two men 

must be kept apart. Buckingham's first thought was to have 

Bristol sent to the Tower. He talked over the plan with Pembroke 

and Hamilton, but Pembroke and Hamilton, though neither of 

them were friends of Spain, would hear nothing of it.^ The result 

of this conversation was that Buckingham contented himself with 

the equally effective measure which is enounced in the next letter,' 

written on the 24th of April by Secretary Conway, and sent down 

to meet Bristol upon his arrival. 

I have receved his Majesty's commandmeii[t] to signify his pleasure and com- 
mandment to yoar Lordship, that you come not to Conrte, nor to his presence, before 
his Majesty's further plesure and leave first obtained and signifyed to you, in 
countermand of this, but you retyer yourselfe to your house or lodgeing,* and 
remayne there untcll his Majesty's further plesure and directions shall be made 
knowen to you. 

The letter was given to the Earl oh his landing at Dover. On 
the 3d of May he replied from Canterbury in a letter to the King 

* Bristol's answer. State Trials, ii. 1129; confirmed by Pembroke (ii. 1298), and 
to a great extent admitted by Buckingham (ii. 1298.) 

« S. P. Dom. clxiii. 43. 

' Rushworth (i. 145) erroneously sends Bristol at once to the Tower, haying in 
his mind the Earl's later imprisonment in 1626. 


himself.* Again reminding James of his promise, he renewed his 
request for a personal hearing. With the exception of a letter* of 
Conway's, referring to a different subject, the correspondence which 
immediately followed has not been preserved ; but an extract from 
a letter written by the younger Dudley Carleton to his uncle,* on 
the 6th of May, shows that it was not believed at the time that 
James was in any way personally incensed against his late am- 
bassador : — 

My Lord of Bristol! is arrived and confined to his honse in St. Giles feilds ;. but 
the opinion is that he will not far& the worse for that, but rather that we shall see 
him soone at Ccmrt with the King, who hath sent him kind messages, and hath lett 
him understand that within a day or two he will speake with him. It is not 
conceaved that he will be called to any strickt account, for feare he should discorer 
matters too much in their owne colours. 

This was, no doubt, the true state of the case. Without sajring, 
as has been often asserted, that the statement upon the conduct of 
Charles in Madrid, put forward by the Prince and Buckingham, 
was absolutely false, it certainly passed over in silence many things 
which, if they had been divulged, would have put an instantaneous 
end to Charles's short-lived popularity. To let Bristol loose upon 
the world was dangerous. But then to bring him to trial was 
equally dangerous. It is therefore not surprising that on the 12th 
we find Chichester writing : — * 

The £arle of Bristoll is directed to retyre himselfe to his lodginge; he hath 
not had as yet anie hearinge, nor anio thinge objected against him that I 
knowe off. 

The next day^ Chamberlain says that the King had visited 
Buckingham, who was at that time sick ; 

> S. P. Dom. clxiT. 13. « S. P. Dom. clxiv. 33. 

» S. P. Dom. clxiy. 44. * S. P. Dom. clxir. 68. 

» S. P. Dom. clxiv. 71. 


And, as I heare, dealt earnestly to reconcile him and the Earle of Bristowe, of 
whome we heare litle since his comming, but that he was willed to keepe his honse, 
bnt had otherwise gracious messages from his Majestic. He carries himself 
boldly, and yt is saide there is a commission apointed to examine his busines, for 
into the Parlement yt must not come, ' because the Prince hath shewed himself 
a partie. 

On the 15th Nethersole writes^ that the Earl is " wondrous con- 
fident, and desireth nothing but to be brought to his triall." This, 
however, he added, could hardly be this session, on account of 
Buckingham's illness. Two years afterwards Bristol referred to 
what had passed on this occasion. ** Being at my lodging," he said, 
" I petitioned the King that I might answer in the Parliament, and 
his Majesty said that the Parliament was so insensed against me 
that it was not safe for me to be brought thither, but within a few 
days I should have an end of my troubles." ^ J 

Parliament was prorogued on the 29th of May. In the course, of 
the month — the day is not given— Bristol had made the following 
overture to the Prince : — 

I infinitely desyred to have come at my arriyall to have cast myselfe at your 
H[ighnes8's] feete, but, having receaved a conmiandement not to come into [the] 
Kinges presence, I dare not presume to offer to attend your IIig[hness] untill 
I shall have your particular leave. In the meane [time] I could not forbeare to 
make a most faythfull and most humble tender of myself unto your service, assuring 
your H[ighness] that, if ever I have deserved your H[ighness's] displeasure, it hath 
bene for wante of understanding your will. Neyther shall I comitt any faulte 
hereafter, if I may knowe your pleasure. The match with Spayne I faythfully 
endevored, as judging it much desyred by his Majestye and your H[ighness], and 
theruppon my affection wholy depended. For the treatye of the Palatinate I never 
wrote worde but what was sayde unto me, and I shall sufficiently proove. Any 
want of performance that shall have bene, the King of Spayne and his ministers 
have the faulte ; but I hope it will not be reputed to me as any, for advertising 
trewly what they sayde. * 

To your High[ne8s's] pleasure in all things I shall conforme mjrself, and there- 

* Nethersole to Carleton, May 15. S. P. Dom. clxiv. 86. 
« State Trials, ii. 1296. 


• • • 


f ore I desTre to be admitted to wayte nppon yon, that, by knowing what your H[igh- 
\^ ness] woald have me doe, I may be sore not errJ 

The Prince must have found himself, if he thought about the 
matter at all, in an awkward position. Of course he could not 
_ receive Bristol if he still thought badly of him, and yet what success 
could he promise himself from the trial which had become almost a 
necessity, and which Bristol himself so openly challenged ? If it 
turned out that the ambassador had been authorised by the King to 
do all that he had done, then the King's reputation woidd suffer as 
much at the bar of public opinion as the Earl's was likely to do. If, 
again, all that could be said was, that Bristol, though he had taken 
no step of importance without authority, had yet given bad advice, 
or had allowed himself to be deceived by the Spanish ministers, 
that might be a very good reason for recalling him, but it was no 
reason at all for punishing him. 

Some thought, at least, of these possible complications seems to 
have occurred to the Prince. He sent to advise Bristol to ** with- 
draw himselfe into the countrey for a space ;"^ and it would seem 
from the following letter, and from others printed further on, that 
Charles expected Bristol to make some acknowledgment that he was 
sorry for what he had done,' though it is probable that Charles 
would now have been content to qualify the offence as a mere error 
of judgment. In this way the object of separating Bristol from the 
King would be gained, without making James violate his promise 
that the Earl should have an end of his troubles. 
Good Mr. Secretaxy. I knowe ther is no man liring that is a better witnesse 

" Sherborne MSS. 

' So writes Netheraole to Carleton, June 7. S. P. Dom. clxyii. 28. 

* Bristol was not only ready but willing, as appears from his letter to Conway of 
July 16, to let the subject drop altogether, neither party saying anything more 
about the matter. 


then jonnelfe, with how much seale to the Prince's serriceB and affection to his 
person I hare ever serred him, and therefore I intreate yon to take some occasions 
to present nnto him the particulars following : — 

First I intreate 70a to reade oyer the capitolo of a letter I wrote nnto the King 
OQt of Spayne the last winter, bearing date the 6. of December, and to procure him 
to peruse it, in which I cast myself at his feete with so much hnmilitye and with so 
absolute resignation of my selfe and my affections to his will that I knowe not any 
thinge that I can add by way of humility and submission. The same I have cour 
tinewed towards him ever since by my lettres ; and if I knew how to doe more I 
would willingly doe it. 

As for my actions, I take God to recorde I do not knowe that in any thinge I 
have offended him in all my life, neither can I conjecture at any thing whereby !• 
may have displeased him, if it be not by having expressed to much zeale to that 
which I understoode to be much desyred both by his Majestye and himself e. For 
in his letters unto me ever since his retonme into Englande, he was pleased to assure 
me that there was no intent of breaking the match. 

His Highness hath often promised me and given me his hand nppon it that if I 
should uppon any occasion fall into troble he would heare me and my cause, and 
then assist me with his favour. He hath now sent me woord that if I will not 
follow his advice I must not hereafter looke for his assistance. My humble suite is 
that in the first place his Highness willbe trewly possessed of my cose and after- 
ward according to justice afforde me his assistance, for otherwise he will not know 
how to mesnre or proportion his favour towards me: for if I shall prove a delinquent, 
the favour which his Highness may do me wilbe in one kind by interceeding for me; 
but if I prove in noe kinde faultye, but appeare to have bene a man wronged and 
oppressed, I no way doubt but I shall have his Highness favour for the righting of 
me and the repayring of myne honor. So that, that which I must most humbly begg 
of his Highness in the first place is that I may be hearde, and that he will trewly 
nnderstande my cause, and then he will see in what sorte I am capable of his grace 
and favour. 

I will conclude by desyring yon to lett the Prince know that as if I knew how to 
use greater meanes of hnmilitye and submission I would do it, so if I may knowe 
his will and pleasure, he may be most assured I will do nothing that shall not be 
conformable to them, but will apply my self really and f aythfuUy to serve him in 
all thinges ; and therefore I pray move him for his goodnesse and favour towards 
me that by the King and himself e I may be heard, which is so just a suite as I 
hope shalbe no longer denyed me. And so, desyring you to sende me three or fonre 
words what his Highness is pleased to answere, I commende you to the holy protec- 
tion of God." 

If Charles had ever fancied that he had to deal with a man who 

* Bristol to Cottington, June 1, Sherborne MSS. « 
CAMD. 80C. b 


would, for the sake of Royal favour, renounce the defence of his 
own honour, he now found out his mistake. An inquiry of some 
kind, with all its accompanying risks, had become inevitable. A 
letter from Charles to Buckingham, evidently written about this 
time, depicts the Prince's anxiety. His father, naturally enough, 
was against any further proceeding, and Buckingham, struck down 
for the moment by sickness, was as yet unable to assist him. This 
.letter has long been in print,^ but an extract from it may well be 
repeated here in its proper connection : — 

Now I must crave your pardon to tmble jou. a little : and it is this ; Bristo 
stands npon his justification, and will bj no means accept of mj conncells ; the 
King does hait to have him cnm to his tryall, and X am affeard that if yon be not 
with ns to helpe to charge him, and to set the King right, he may escape with too 
slight a sencore ; therfor I would have you send to the King to put of Bristoes 
tryall untill you might waite on him ; but for God's sake doe not venture to cum 
suner then ye may with the saftie of your health ; and with that condition the suner 
the better. 

The course finally settled on is first mentioned in a letter of the 
7th of June : — 

My Lord of BristoU hath had a petition presented by his man Grisley to his 
Majesty that he may come to his triall, which is answeared that out of hand he 
shall have Ck)mmissioners appointed, and such questions proposed to him as shall 
draw on the triall he so much desireth. But his frends storme, and are impatient, 
as well as himself, at these delayes, saying it is to great injustice to punish a man 
with confinement first, and afterwards to seeke for matter against him.* 

On the same day, June 7, Conway wrote to Bristol, explaining 
" the cause of the delay in his business and the course it is now put 
into."^ The Commissioners appointed to hear his cause were those 
before whom the question of breaking the treaties with Spain had 

> Ellis, Orig. Letters, Ser. i. vol. iii. 167. The date can be approximately fixed 
by the mention of Buckingham's illness, 

s Dudley Carleton to Sir D. Carleton, June 7. S. P. Dom. clxvii. 26. 

' Only the minute of this letter has been preserved. Conway's Letter Book, 
S. P. Dom. p. 126. 


been submitted In the preceding winter.^ From a letter of June 8, 
written to Conway by Calvert and Weston,^ it appears that though 
certain questions had already been drawn up for the examination by 
Conway himself, they had been directed to prepare new ones. To 
this task, however, they objected, ostensibly on the ground that 
they were perfectly satisfied with the questions which had been 
laid before them by Conway. The excuse however was not 
allowed, though they were permitted to have Conway's assistance in 
their labours.* 

In this interval an episode occurred to which Bristol afterwards 
bitterly referred. In 1626, he stated: — ^ 

That the Earl of Bristol's mother lying sick upon her deathbed desired for 
her comfort to see her son, and to give him her last blessing ; whereupon the Earl 
wrote to the said Lord Conwaj, to desire him to more the King for his leave ; 
which he pntting off from day to day told the person employed that, by reason 
of the Duke's sickness, he could not find opportunity to get the Duke's leave to 
move the King, and having spoken with the Duke, he made a negative answer ^ 

in the King's name ; wherewith the Earl acquainting the King by some of his bed- 
chamber, his Majesty was in a very great anger, swearing the secretary had never 
moved him, and that to deny the said Earl leave was a barbarous part, and there- 
upon sent him presently free leave ; which the secretary hearing of, sent likewise 
afterwards a letter of leave, but with divers clauses and limitations, differing from 
the leave sent him from the King's own month.' 

On the 30th of June Bristol received the twenty interrogatories, 
which, as well as the answers which he made to them, have long 

' Nethersole to Carleton, June 7. S. P. Dom. clxvii. 28. 

' Calvert and Weston to Conway, June 8. S. P. Dom. clxvii. 37. 

* Conway to Calvert and Weston, June 9. S. P. Dom. clxvii. 38. 

* State Trials, ii. 1291. 

* The limiting clause of the letter in question is, " In the meane tyme, because 
his Majesty knowes not the extreamity of your noble mother's sicknes, nor what 
comfort may be denied to you both bye restraint of visiting her, his Majesty hath 
conmianded me to signifie his pleasure to you (his Majesty conceiving that your 
mother lies in London or Westminster, or neare there,) that you visitt your mother 
with this caution and advice, that in time and manner you use it as privately as 
conveniently you may." Conway to Bristol, June 24. S. P. Dom. clxviii. 32. 



been known from the Hardwicke State Papers. As he had no 
difficulty in showing that he had taken no step without the King's 
previous knowledge or subsequent approbation, the result was 
simply to fix upon James himself the responsibility for all that had 
been done. 

Bristol's answers were sent in on the 10th or 11th of July .^ The 
following letter, written a few days later, may serve as an indica- 
tion of his state of mind at this time ^ : — 

I hope his Majesty wiU be pleased before going the progresse to take some 
settled conrse in my bnsinesse, wherennto I shall most willingly snbmitt my selfe, 
whatsoever it be, and am most confident of yonr fayoor in all thinges that shall 
singly conccme me, as I am of your justice, and being a trew frend to innocency 
and cleare through. 

I wrote unto you in my last letters to intreate your assistance that this businesse 
might be passed over, by your reviving and stirring whereof ther wilbe little added to 
his Majestyes service or any other bodyes content, and therefore I do now most 
earnestly renew the same sute unto you. I shall no way endeavour to crosse the pre- 
sent courses, nor to stand in the way to displease any ; only I labour to appeare an * 
honest man, and not to have bene a disloyall or unworthy servante to so gratious a 
master, and for this I conceave no man can be offended with me, but that to the 
contrary I have obligation to do it, though it were with the losse of a thowsand 

Bristol afterwards asserted,* and the statement is probably correct, 
that " many of the Commissioners expressed themselves fully satis- 
fied " with his answers. The King too, he says,^ 

" Bead them all,' and was so well satisfied therewith that he sent me word that 
he would see me. Whereupon the Duke of Buckingham desired bis Majesty that 

* The 10th is the date of an abstract signed by Bristol himself. (S. P. Dom. 
clxix. 46.) Mrs. Green dates this, as well as the answers themselves, July 11, having 
perhaps some evidence that they were sent in on that day. 

' Bristol to Conway, July 16. S. P. Dom. clxx. 6. 
» " and," MSS. 

* Charge against Conway, Art. 6, State Trials, ii. 1291. 
» State Trials, ii. 1296. 

* See, however, BristoPs letter to Conway of the 27th at p. xv. where he complains 
that James had only read the abstract 


I might first answer some four other questions, which being delayed, and I petition- 
ing the King for them to be sent me, his Majesty gave order to have them presently 
sent. Yet they came not. Diyers delays were sought, and at last the Lord Conway 
wrote me a letter that they were ready, bnt he thought it better I did accommodate 
the business." 

From the following extract^ it appears that ** the day before the 
King removed from Theobalds," i.e. the 17th of July, Bristol 
heard that he was to be questioned further : — 

The day that the King remored from Theobalds I received by my wife a sadd 
message from the Court, being debarred that comfort which I hoped to have received 
before the progress of kissing his Majesties hands, for that I was in hope his 
Majestic would have received good satisfaction with those aunswers which I sent to 
the 20^' questions which were propounded unto me; but I understand his Majesties 
pleasure is that I should be further interrogated, and therefore I am an humble 
suitor unto you that such farther questions as his Majestic shalbe pleased to have 
asked of me may be sent unto me, and I shall not faile to make an honest and trew 
aunswer to them ; neyther indeed can I be at quiett untill I have aunswered to all that 
I thinke cann be objected against me, for God knoweth that my heart hath been 
and is soe free from any want of fidellity and zeale to my master's service that a bare 
narration of the truth will serve for a sufficient aunswer. 

My wife did likewise bring me his Majesties leave for some months to the setling 
of my private estate, which through my long absence and the soddaine death of 
Sir Bobert Seymor, whoe did solely manage it, is much embroyled ; and I intend, God 
willing, on Monday next to begin my journey towards the West, but shall not faile 
to have some one or other alwaics attending uppon you, to the end that I may from 
tyme to tjrme understand his Majesties pleasure, which I shalbe most ready in all 
things to obey. 

Almost immediately after this letter was written Bristol must 
have received intelligence that the threat of further examination 
was not to be carried into execution. On the 2 1 st of July Conway 
sent him permission* to go down to his country house at Sherborne, 
and the letter was either accompanied or immediately followed by 
a message from the King ** to write but a fair letter unto Bucking- 

* Bristol to Conway, July 25. Sherborne MSS. 

' Minute. Conway's Letter Book, p. 138. S. P. Dom. 




ham for a reconciliation, and that I should leave the rest unto 
him/' 1 

On the 22nd of July Cottington wrote thus : — ^ 

Yesterdaj morning Mr. Secretary Conway told me that, in«a lettre which he had 
written to yon, yonr Lordship had now his Majesties leave to goe to Sherborne with 
order to retnme in September ; and with all Mr. Secretary desired me to wryght 
nnto yonr Lordship, and to tell yon from him that he had order from his Majestie 
to send yon other articles replying nnto yonr late answers, which he did deferr, of 
pnrpose to doe yon a favor, therby giving you tyme to worke and procure some fayre 
accommodation. Bntt in case yonr Lordship shall desire to have those new articles 
sent yon, he wyll then make hast to doe soe. 

On the 24th Conway wrote to much the same purpose ; * and 

about the same time, or a little earlier, Buckingham himself made 

a forward step in the matter, as appears from Bristol's statement 

in 1626 :— * 

The Dnke hereupon sent one Mr. Clarke unto me, what fair propositions I should 

make only to retire into the conntry, and not come to the Court ; but permit his 

Grace to dispose of the Vice-Chamberlain's place. And I shewing Mr. Clerke, by 

[/ way of private conference, what papers I had to produce against the Dnke, 

his Grace then required a retractation, which I denied, and so all reconcilement 

. broke off. 

The view which Bristol took of the proposal that he should come 
to an accommodation appears from the following letter : — ^ 

Good Mr. Secretary Conway. I have receaved your letters of the 24th of July, 
and had receaved one from Sir Francis Cottington before much to the same effect, 
written, as I understand, by your order. I give you many thankes for the favor you 
are pleased to expresse towards me in seeming to desire a faire accommodation in 
my businesses, which how much I do desire I have lett you know by my severall 
letters, and still am a suitor unto you for your assistance and furdierance therin. 
But for the particulars specified in your letter, as on the one side it yll befitteth me 
to sollicit to have things further urged, so, on the other syde, his Majesties seeming 

» State Trials, ii. 1296. 

« Cottington to Bristol, July 22. Sherborne MSS. 

* Minute. Conway's Letter Book, p. 138. 

* State Trials, ii. 1296. 

* Bristol to Conway, July 27. S, P. Dom. clxx. 68. 


not to be fully satisfied with my answers, I may no way declyne any course bis 
Majestie wilbe pleased to prescribe fdr his further satisfactioni for in matter of my 
fidelitye and loyalty towards his Majestic, the Prince and my country, I hope I shall 
neyer see that come into comprimize, but shall rather loose my life and fortunes 
then admitt the least stayne to remayne upon me or myne in that kynde ; and the 
same I knowe yourself would do, and so will all men of honor ; and therf ore I 
pray you, yf his Majestic or the Prince remayne with any the least scruple in that 
kynde, lett no further examination or sifting of me or myne actions be forborne, for 
I no way doubt but the innocency of my cause will in the end sufficiently justifie 
me before God, his Majestic, and the world. TSut in case his Majestic shall receaye 
full satisfaction by the reading of my answers (which I understand he hath not done ^ 
as yet, but hath only read the abstract, which is yery defective), and I am an earnest 
suitor unto you to be a meanes that wherin he hath any doubt he may see my 
answer at large, for it may be that thereby all further questions may be spared yf 
his Majestic shall rest satisfied therwith that I have not fayled in the duties of an 
honest, loyall, and faythfull servant, I shall humbly cast my self at his Majesties 
feet for matter of weakenesse or want of abilitye in his service; and then his 
Majestic may be pleased to command the stay of any further questions. Otherwise, 
I beseeche you, lett me have them as soon as you please ; neither need the preparing 
of myne answer be, as I hope, any hinderance to any wayes of accommodation, 
which in the interim I will industriously seeke, yf they may be hearkened unto; and, 
for that the world taketh notice that my businesses have been much distracted by 
somewhat that Mr. Clark should say from my mouth unto my Lord Duke, I will 
intreate you to call for Mr. Clarke, and lett him make you a narration of that which ^ 
passed betwixt us ; and therby you shall see whether I truly sought his Grace's 
favor or not. For I protest to God, I could not have spoken with more tenderQcsse, 
had I spoken unto my Lord's mother, then I did with Mr. Clarke, nor with a greater 
eamestnesse and desire to be reconcyled really unto my Lord's favour, and to give 
all assurances for the future of being my Lord's true and faithfuU servant. But, it 
seemeth, things have been much misunderstood, which I so much desired might have 
beene rectified, that I was a suitor to have wayted upon my Lord in person, which I 
shall be glad to do at any time, and he shall finde that I will omitt nothing that he 
can expect from a gentleman and an honest man to winne his good opinion for the 

So that I shall conclude that I infinitely and primarily desire an accommodation, 
and that these businesses may be passed by, so that it may be with the satisfaction 
of his Majestic that I have not fayled towards him in my honesty nor fidelity. But ^ 
yf therin his Majesty retayne any doubt, I then declyne no further questioning, but 
desire that I may have those enlargements you speake of with convenient speed sent 
unto me, and shall prepare myself for any further tryall his Majestic shalbe pleased 
to call me unto. But yf you shall retayne the said questions I shall then be in hope 
his Majestie resteth satisfied in the poynts of my fidelitye and honesty ; and, for 
other errors or omissions, I shall willingly cast myself at his Majesties feet, and it 


shall be seene hj the effects bow desirons I am to conf orme myself in all things that 
maj giye satisfaction. 

It only remayneth that I intreat the continuance of yonr favor, and that yon wilbe 
pleased to pnt to your helping hand to assist a gentleman that in former times 
faithfully endeavored to serve you, and so really still doth ; and you shall ever iindo 
him a gratefuU man for the favours you shall do him. So with the remembrance of 
my humble service, I committ yon to God, and rest 

Your affectionate kinsman and servante, 


London, the 27th of July 1624. 

As nothing ^ came of this appeal, Bristol determined to direct a 
petition to the King himself, dated August 11, pressing for a further 
examination : — 

Humbly sheweth that upon his arrivall in England he was by a letter from Mr. 
Secretary Conway, bearing date the 26th of Aprill, commanded in your Majesties 
name to retyre himself to his howse or lodging and n6t to come to Court or your 
Majesties presence untill he should have answered to some questions and objections 
which should be made unto him by such of your Majesties councell as you should 
appoynt to that purpose, which Mr. Secretary wrote your Majestie would cause to 
be done with all expedition. 

That after the space of two monthes he receaved twenty questions to which he 
made his humble and present answer in such sort as he hoped would have beene to 
your Majesties satisfaction. But since the same restraynt hath beene continued 
upon him, and it hath beene intimated unto him that your Majestie would have 
some further questions propounded unto him. And your Majesty was pleased to 
send him word that they should be sent him before you beganne your progress, 
but as yet there have not beene any such questions sent him. He most humbly 
beseeches your Majestie that in case there remayne yet any scruple in yonr 
Majestie concerning the fidelity of his service you would be pleased to peruse the 
answer at length as well as the abstract, wherewith he hopeth your Majestie will 
rest fully satisfied. If not, he then humbly sueth that your Majestie would com- 
mand that any such questions as your Majestie shall think fitt further to be pro- 
pounded unto him may be sent unto him, to the end he may prepare his humble 
and true answer for your Majestie; for that he holdeth it the greatest misfortune 
that can befall him in this world to live under the cloud of your Majesties disfavor, 
or to have the loyalty and fidelity wherewith he hath ever served your Majestie to 
remayne uncleared. And he shall ever. Sec* 

* Mrs. Green has calendared under July ? a paper of notes in Conway's hand 
(S. F. Dom. clxx. 69) which is in reality a rough draft of a paper sent Feb. 2, 1625, 
properly calendared under that date. S. F. Dom. clxxxiiL 13. 

s Sherborne M8S. 


There the matter seems to have slept for a time. In truth Bristol's 
position was logically unassailable. If he had done anything worthy 
of punishment, why was his case not to be investigated? If he had 
not done any thing worthy of punishment, why was he under 
restraint? Buckingham — for it is hardily possible to speak of 
James as anything more than a passive tool in his hands — was 
forced into the position that it was permissible to punish a man 
against whom he could prove nothing, simply because he refused to 
acknowledge himself guilty of that of which he believed himself to 
be innocent. Except, perhaps, on the occasion of Gierke's visit,* 
Bristol had studiously professed his willingness to pay all becoming 
deference to the Duke in anything which did not involve the sacri- 
fice of his own reputation. That he had any real intention at this 
time of bringing those charges against Buckingham which proved 
so eflfective in 1626 is not to be believed. On the 23rd of Septem- 
ber he wrote to Conway saying, after preferring a request to be 
allowed to take a house at Bristol for the winter:^ — 


^ I most eamestlj desire yon to continne your favonr towards mee in theis my mi- 
f ortrmate trobles, and especially in nsinge your Industrie and creditt in pacifying of 
my Lord Duke, towards whom I shall willingly apply myself with all respect and 
service without wronginge my owne innocencie or honor ; which if I did not esteems 
above all earthly things, I shonld neither bee worthye of my Lord Dnke's f avoor, nor 
anie man*B els. Herein yon shall obliege mee mnch nnto yon, and (if I mistake it 
not) doe^his Majestic some service. For I conceave his service will reoeave litle 
advantage by stirring or revyvinge of those things which seeme contrarie to the 
wayes nowe held, only therby the mine of an ancient faithfnll servaunt of his 
Majestic may bee aymed at, whoe noe way donbteth but hee shall prove himself a 
right honest man. 

To the request to pass the winter at Brbtol no answer was for 


' Gierke's presence must have been particularly irritating to Bristol, he having 
been the instrument used to put a trick on him after the Prince's departure from 

* Bristol to Conway, September 23. S. P. Dom. clxxii 50. 



dome weeks returned. Accordingly, on the 26th of October the 
Earl announced his intention of going back to London, begging 
Conway that, as he understood that he '^ should take something ill 
at " his ** hands," he hoped he would suspend any unkind opinion 
of him till he had heard his answer, '^ for an absent and unharmed 
man is very liable to be wronged."^ The reply to this letter • 
brought him permission to remove to Bristol, a permission of which 
he does not seem to have taken advantage. At all events, ho 
was still at Sherborne in the following January, where we again 
find him, as the two following letters show, asking for what ought 
have been the natural consequence of this abandonment of all in- 
tention to proceed against him criminally, namely, his immediate 
restoration to liberty: — 

May it please jonr Grace.* My dewty to the King and respect to jour Crrace 
maketh me addresse my suite unto his Majestie by the way which I thinke will 
most please him, and therfore I have presumed to send the inclosed letter unto 
his Majestie into yonr Grace's handes, together with a coppye of it, that yow may 
see the contence therof, which I donht not hnt yonr Grace will hold so just and 
reasonable that, in regard of the place you hold, you would present it to his Majestie 
though it were from your greatest enimy, much more from one that hath and doth 
seake your favour by so manye meanes : and so, with the humble remembrance of 
my seryice to your Grace, I committ you to Grod*s holy protection. 

May it please your Most Excellent Majestie.^ The knowledge that I have had of 
your Majesties exact justice, and the assured confidence of yonr great goodnesse 
makes me presume still to be a most humble suitor unto your Majestie that I may 
cnjoye the benefitt of your gratious promise which you have beene pleased so often 
out of your goodnesse to make unto me, yizt. that I should never be condenmed by 
you, nor sink in your favor and good opinion, untill you should first personally have 
heard me. God in heaven knoweth with how much zeale and affection I have 
poursued those things which I understood to conduce to yonr Majesties ends ; and if 

» Bristol to Conway, Oct. 26. S. P. Dom. clxxiii. 98. 

• Minute of Conway's letter, Nov. 4. Conway's Letter-Book, p. 164. S. P. Dom. 

* Bristol to Buckingham, Jan. 13, 1625. Sherborne MSS. 

^ Bristol to James I., Jan. 13, 1625. S. P. Dom. clxxxi. 64. 


I have in any thing beene nnfaithfull unto jou, I desire not to live. I only crave 
after twenty years service to have a grations hearing by you in your owne due time 
and season. And that, in the interim (since your Majestic hath not beene pleased 
to admit me in the nature of a delinquent,) I may liye with the comfort to knowe 
that your Majestic doth suspend your displeasure and any yll opinion of me, .un till 
you shall have heard me, and that it may be lawful! for me freely, without giving 
offence, to foUowe and sollicitt myne owne occasions; myne owne private estate 
being so much ymbroyled by my long absence and the death of those that mannaged 
it for me, that yf I be debarred the personal! attending of it, I am like to be much 
endangered in my private fortunes. But I submitt all to your Majesties good plea- 
sure; and continually praying for your Majesties happinesse and prosperitye, cast 
myself at your Majesties feet, and remayne 

Your Majesties most humble and most faythfnll subject and servant 

Sherborne, the 13th of January, 1624. 

Of Buckingham's reply, written on the 2nd of February, only the 
following note has been preserved : — 

In answer wherof the Duke ' in his letter of the 2d of Feb. writeth thus : — 
That hee delivered his lordship's letter to the Einge, who was gratiously pleased to 
give him liberty to repayre to London for the ordering of his owne private busi- 

The paper* inclosed, which contains the Duke's demands, is 
however of greater importance than the letter itself can possibly 
have been : — ^ 


A paper sent in a letter bearing date the 2. of Feb. 1626. from the Duke of Buck- 
ingham unto the Earl of Bristol, conteyning certeine propositions, the which the 
Duke requireth that the sayde Earl would acknowledge. 

I protest that what I delivered in the Parliament touching the passages of the 
Spanish businesse was without any malicious intent against the Earl of Bristol, but 
only to performe in the best and playnest manner I could, according to the truth, 
his Majesties command to give satisfaction to his subjects. Since which tyme, if 
I have urged that which I then delivered, and other thinges which I knew to bee 
trew, but spared them at that tyme, it was uppon the EarPs owne provocation by 
framing accusations against mee, which hee cannot blame mee, if for myne owne 
justification I retorted them uppon himselfe. 

« S. P. Dom. Charles I. xviii. 34, i. 
' S. P. Dom. clzzxiil. 13. 




Bat now the great desire the Earl of Bristol hath e(xpre88e[d] to bee reeonciled to 
mee, and his profession that hee will omitt nothing in his power that maj conduce 
nnto it, shall bee mett with all the hnmanitie that can be expected on my part» 
admitting a more right constmction of the condition and state of the qaestions. 
For it is an assertion not grannted, that the Earl of Bristol by his answers hatb 
satisfied eyther.the King, the Prince, or mee of his innocency. Neyther is it my 
duty, nor, though it were, lyeth it in my power to endeayonr the Earles reconcilia>- 
tion with the King and Prince, and to procure his admittance to kisse their handes, 
nntill hee shall have freely and ingenioosly confessed these undeniable thingea.^ 

* • * « • 

Which errors in judgment and confidence as the Earl doth ingeniously confesse 
them, so doth hee protest they came -not from malice nor want of fayth, but from 
an earnest and misledd zeale to endeayor by all meanes his masters ends (as he 
oonceiycd) and therfor prayes his Majesties and the Prince of their grace to passe 
by and pardon them. 

This beeing donne (without which I cannot presse his Majestie nor his Highness), 
to proye I haye no personall mislike of the Earl of Bristol!, I will imploy my force 
and power with the King and the Prince to admitt the Earl in due tyme to kisse 
their handes, and to receiye him to their gratious fayour. 

There is liere a distinct withdrawal of any charge except that of 
being guilty of an error in judgment, and therefore, it may safely 
be concluded, a no less distinct acknowledgment that no charge /I 

could be maintained against him to which any court would be likely 
to listen. ,But in spite of this the restraynt which ought only to be 
inflicted either as a punishment for proved crime, or as a precaution 
preliminary to investigation, was to be continued \mtil Bristol would 
give a certificate to the Duke of the correctness of charges which had 
been abandoned. 

How Bristol answered the demand, the following letter* shows : — 

May it please your Grace, I haye receaycd your letter of the 2nd of February, by 
my cosen Sir Kenelam Digbye, and am much rejoyced to see in your Grace so for- 
ward an inclination to doe me fayour uppon the acknowledgment of supposed errours. 
For that I am so confident of your noblenesse that you wilbe much more encouraged 

^ The fiye propositions are omitted here, as being inserted in the text of No. 11. 
3 Bristol to Buckingham, Februaiy 8, 1626. Sherborne MSS. 



to implode jonr power for me towards his Majesty and the Prince, if jon shall see 
them apparently cleared. And I understand the paper of propositions which yonr 
Grace hath bene pleased to send me not as faults injoyned me to acknowledge — for 
I am confident no such course can be thought of, — but as particulars wherein your 
Grace yet resteth unsatisfyed. And therefore I shall speedily endeavour your 
Grace's satisfaction, which yf [it] shall not goe beyond all reply, I will most readily 
make acknowledgment of any erronr, and most humbly begge his Majestye and the 
Prince pardon ; as in the mean tyme I do on my knees for any errour or omission I 
may hare conmiitted in their service, either through wante of abilitye, or for wante 
of a right understanding of their pleasure. 

I do most humbly beseech your Grace to poursue this woorke which you hare 
begunn, to which on my parte I shall contribute all that shall be possible, and shall 
receave from your Grace this new obligation with so much thankfulnesse that I 
hope your Lordship for the future shall not have cause to repente the favour yon 
shaU do me. 

It only remaineth that I give yonr Grace humble thankes for your favour in pro- 
curing me liberty to attend mayne owne affayres, for that in trewth no man's private 
estate in England at present more reqnireth it, yet I shall make use of it with that 
respect unto his Highness and your Grace that, if my forbearing to lepayre to 
London be more aggreable to you, I shall much rather undergoe any inconveniency in 
my particular then to do any thing that in the least manner might be displeasing 
unto you. So with my humble service unto yonr Lordship I commit you to the holy 
protection of God. 

Of a later letter written by the Duke on the 16th we have only 
the following paragraph : — 

I have likewise acquainted his Highness with the respect you show towards him 
about your comming to London, which hee taketh very well; and, for the regard yon 
bear unto me in the same point, I give your Lordship many thankes: but wish yon 
not to neglect your own occasions uppon that consideration, but to make use of the 
liberty e which his Majestic hath gratiouslye pleased to graunt you.^ 


To this Bristol replied : — 

May it please your Grace,* I have received your Grace's letter of the 16th of Feb., 
and am putting myself in a readines to repaire to London, where I am in. hope your 
Grace will not denye mee leave to attend yon, which I muche desire to doe ; for 
that I doubt not but in all things to give your Grace much satisfaction. 

My stay in London I intend for a verye short tyme, and being unprovided of any 

1 S. P. Dom. Charles I. zviii. 34, i. 

s Bristol to Buckingham, Feb. 27, 1625. Harl. MSS. 1680, fol. 146 



lodging there, and the taking of a howse for a few dales being verje hard and 

inconyenient, I presume to move your Grace to know whether I may not withont 

offence goe to my lodging at Whitehall/ whereto I am the more encouraged for 

that the last sommer his Majestie would nofc admitt me in natnre of a delinquent 

(as he was then gratiously pleased to say) untill I had appeared soe ; and I hope his 

.Majestic wilbe pleased to have the like gratiouse consideration in this particular, 

which I am the more confident of through your Grace's favour, which I earnestly 

intreate your Grace to believe that I will really and honestly cndeayour to regaine 

by all the meanes a gentleman may. And soe, with the remembrance of my humble 

service unto your Grace, I remain 

Your Grace's most humble servante, 

Sherborne, the 27th of Feb. 1624. 

After some further correspondence, now lost, in which the Duke 
continued to insist upon a distinct acknowledgment of error, Bris- 
tol " sent instead the detailed answer to the propositions to which he 
had been asked to subscribe, which is now printed in the text as 
No. 11.^ It was accompanied by the two following letters, one 
addressed to Sir Kenelm Digby,^ who had been acting as inter- 
mediary in the affair, the other * to Buckingham himself : — 

Good Cosen, I give you thankes for your paynes in my businesse, in which what- 
soever the success shallbee, my obligation to you shallbee the same. 

I was in hope by your letter that ther had bene expected from mee an answer ' 
only to those points which were brought mee by you from my Lord Duke ; but it 
seemes by a letter I have receaved from his Grace, as likewise by a message sent 
mee since from him by Mr. Gresley, that nothing will serve the tume but that I 

> On the 26th of February Chamberlain writes (S. P. Dom. clxxxiv. 47) :— The 
Earle of Bristow comes to towne this night, having taken Sir Thomas Watson's 
lodgings, though the common voyce had assigned him another lodging ; but yt is 
saide now the King will have him shortly reconciled to the Prince and Duke of 
Buckingham, without any repetition of former matters. On the 22nd of March 
(S. P. Dom. clxxxiii. 91) Chamberlain again writes :— The Earl of Bristow hath 
not yet resigyncd (i.e. hisVice-Chaiaberlainship),nor is not to come to towne— rwhat- 
soever I heard or wrote — till he be sent for, or till the next term at soonest. 

* S. P. Dom. clxxxv. 69, ii. 

» Bristol to Sir K. Digby, March 16, 1626. S. P. Dom. clxxxv. 59. 

* Bristol to Buckingham, March 16, 1626.; S. P. Dom. clxxxv. 69 i. 


make the acknowledgment that is required bj subscribing the paper that was sent 
mee. And so likewise the libertye which I besought of his Majestie to follow freely 
mjne owne affajres (for that was my request, and not to come to London), which I 
understoode had bene graunted mee by his Majestye, my Lord Duke now sendeth ^ 
mee word that if I come to London I must understand myselfe to be a restrained 
man, untill I hare made such an acknowledgment as is required. My present request 
I hope shallbee but modest,^ which is only that I may know cleerly what his Majesties 
pleasure is, to the end I may not fall into crrour, and I shall most willingly and 
readily obey it whatsoever it shallbee, no way doubting but his Majestie in his owne 
dew tyme will afford mee a gratious and an equall hearing. In the interim I have 
sent you my answer to the propositions, which I intreat you to present unto his ^ 
Majestie and to his Grace, if they may bee accepted, as I can no way doubt but 
they will, for I conceare it will seeme to hard and to unjust a course under his 
Majesties gratious goyerment to haye it injoyned to a gentleman to acknowledg 
faults hee is no way guilty of. 

I shall intreat you further, as you have allready taken much paynes in this 
businesse, that you will deliver this message from mee to the Duke, that as I have 
(since I applyed myself to bee reconciled unto his Grace's favour) omitted nothing 
that mighte expresse my respect unto him, so I doe really still poursue the desire of 
regayning his good opinio^ and friendshipp, and, if I shalb^e so happy as to obtayne 
it, I will honestly endeavour by my best services to deserve the continewance of it, 
and therefore I entreat his Grace not to insist or presse mee to those thinges which v^ 
would make mee for the future incapable of his Majesties favour and unworthy of ^ 
his friendshipp ; but that if hee intende in any kinde to favour mee, that hee would 
doe it in a noble manner, whereby I may bee obliged trewly and hartely to love and 
serve him, for otherwise I shall in respect of myne honor and defence of myne 
innosencye undervalew any earthly regards whatsoever, and trust to God*s protection, 
his Majesties justice, and thegoodnesse of my cause; and so, desiring to heare from 
you with all convenient speed, I recommend you to God, and rest 

Your affectionate Cosen to doe you service, 


Sherborne, the 16th of March, 1624. 

May it please your Grace, Hopinge that your'noblenes and equitye wilbe such as a 
trew and cleare answere wilbe more acceptable to your Grace then an unjust 
acknowledgment, I have entreated Sir Eenelham Digby to deliver unto your Grace 
my answers unto the propositions which he brought unto me from you; and humbly 
beseech your Grace to cast your eyes over them, and if there shalbee any thing 
wherein your Grace shall rest unsatisfied, I intreat your Grace to give me leave to 
attend yow; wher I shall endeavour not onely to satisfie yow in these particulars, 
but that I truely and unf ainedly seeke your Grace's favour, to which if I may uppon 
faire and noble termes be admitted, your Grace shall finde me for the future a 
faithfull and reall servaunt to yon to the utmost of my power: but if I must be 


806 nnhappy as these my hmnble seekings of jonr Grace may not finde acceptance 
(although I conceive my rayne an easie worke for yonre greatnes,) I shall with 
patience and humility endeavor to beare whatsoever God shalbe pleased to lay 
nppon me as punishments for other sinns committed against Him, but not against 
my master, whome I take God to record I have served both with exact fidelitye and 
affection. And soe, recommending your Grace to His holy protection, I rest 

Your Graces most humble servante, 

Sherborne, this 16th of March, 1624. 

What followed may be given in Bristol's own words :^ — 

Upon this I petitioned the late King that I might be at liberty to follow my 
affairs freely, to which his Majesty, condescended unto, and signified his pleasure by 
the Duke that he was satisfied, and therefore I had my freedom. But when I had 
an intent to come to my lodging at Whitehall, and made the Duke acquainted 
therewith, he seemed much displeased thereat, and moved his Majesty that I might 
firste make an acknowledgment of my fault, which his Majesty refused to compel 
me unto ; saying he might then be thought a tyrant to force a man to acknowledge 
that which he was not guilty of; and his Majesty sent me word that I should make 
no acknowledgment unless I would freely confess myi^lf guilty. Yet the Duke 
caused a message to be sent me that his Majesty expected that I should make the 
said acknowledgment, and confess myself guilty. And thus it stood with me when 
the late King, my blessed master, sickened and died. 

It would have been well for Charles if his father's last wishes 
had not been overruled by Buckingham. No doubt, in the main 
point, Charles and Buckingham were right, and Bristol was wrong. 
It was quite true that the Spaniards had not intended, if they could 
help it, to marry the Infanta to a Protestant Prince, or to restore 
the Palatinate to a Protestant Elector. But when the new King 
and his favourite, instead of contenting themselves with insisting on 
the correctness of their views, refused to be satisfied with anything 
short of an acknowledgment that Bristol had allowed his mistake to 
influence his conduct, they were meeting him upon a ground upon 
which he was sure to get the better of them. The five answers 

■ State Trials, ii. 1297. 


handed in in March had effectually disposed of Buckingham's attack, 
and had shown that Bristol had been authorised by the late King in 
every step he took, and that unless Charies was prepared to say that 
it was a punishable crime for an ambassador to utter his opinion 
freely, if that opinion happened to be wrong, he had better carry out 
his father's wishes by allowing Bristol to recover his liberty entirely. 

Immediately upon James's death Bristol wrote to Charles and 
his favourite,^ begging for permission to cast himself at his Majesty's 
feet Charles seemed ready to meet his advances half-way. 

Bristol afterwards declared that* : — 

When his Majesty that now is came to the Crown, he was pleased to send me a 
gracious message npon the occasion of a great sickness I had» and my writ of Par- 
liament was freelj sent me ; hnt, ont of respect, I desued to know what wonld best 
please the King, mj coming, or mj stay from the Parliament. And the Dnke of 
Bnckingham did write nnto me that his Majesty took that respect very well at my 
hands, bnt would have me excuse my coming, for which I craved a letter of licence 
from the Parliament Instead whereof I recieved from the Lord Conway a letter of 
prohibition and restraint and confinement, under the King's own hand, whereas 
before I was restrained only by the Lord Conway. 

Buckingham's letter here referred to was written on the 2nd of 
May, and concluded thus* : — 

I hare acquainted his Majestie with your respect towards him touching your 
summons to the Parliament, which hee taketh yery well, and would rather haTe you 
make some excuse for your absence (notwithstanding your writt) then to come your- 
selfe in person. 

Upon this Bristol made fresh overtures through Sir Eenelm 
Digby, the result of which appears from the following letter*: — 

May it please your Lordship. Assoone as I came to the towne I went to my Lord 

* Bristol to Charles I. Bristol to Buckinglxam. Undated Sherborne MSS. 
3 State Trials, ii. 1297. 

« S. P. Dom. Charles L xTiii. 34, i. 

* Bristol to Sir K Digby, May 27, 1625. Add. MSS. 9S06, fol. 1. 




Chamberlaine,* and saide unto him what yonr Lordship bade me. He ezpresfied 
mnch feeling of yotur Lordship's sicknes, and^made a serionse profession of his faitih 
and frendshipp to your Lordship, and that, yf God should please to call yow, he 
would continew it to yonr sonne. The next morning (to day) he brought me to tho 
King, whoe gave me a grationse and fall audience, and I delivered to his Majestie 
the message that yow gave me as effectually as I could, to draw from him some tes- 
timony of his affection towards your Lordship. And truely, my Lord, he did receire 
the newes of your ill state with much tendemes and asked me many particulars how 
yow were, and bade me hasten to lett your Lordship know he was very sorry for yonr 
sickness ; and protested in the deepest manner that might be that he hadd no p^- 
sonall displeasure or grudge, — these were his words, — against yonr Lordship ; but 
that he held yow to be an honest and sufficient man, and one that loved him, and 
had endeavoured his service really, and should be gladd of any good that arrived to 
yow. /And in the other point conceminge your buisenes, he would not have your 
Lordship conceive that he thinketh yow to be a delinquent, and to have offended in 
any matter of honesty, or not performance of what was commaunded yow : for, if 
that had beene, then this course that hath been should not have been used with 
yow, but yow should have been committed to the Tower, and brought to a publique 
tryall ; — but the true cause why your Lordship is thus in suspense and removed from 
the Court is because your Lordship in the treaty of the Spanish match (he thinketh) 
was so desireousof it and soe passionate for it (as he confesseth himself was also, 
after he hadd seene the lady) that yow trusted more to the Spanish ministers and 
theire promises then was fitting in discretion ; and, although your Lordship, on the 
other side, carried it soe judiciously that yow can be taxed for nothing in publique 
court, but can justifie yourself, and make the Spaniard appeare to be dishonest, and ) 

soe free yourself, yet between him and yow he doubteth not but your Lordship will 
acknowledg yow were too forward and confident in it, which if your Lordship doe 
lyve and doe make acknowledgment of unto him, yow shall then, without more adoe, 
kiss his hands and lyve in peace and with honor ; and,*in the meane tyme he Would 
have your Lordship beleeve he hath a good opinion of yow, and loveth yow, and will 
be glad to heare of your recoverye. f Then, of himself, he sayde that peradventure 
your Lordship might suspect that your freeness with him might prejudice yow • for, 
he sayde, yow had been as free with him as ever any man had been, but he protested 
uppon his death and salvation that he never communicated to any body any thing 
that your Lordship ever spoke to him in that way of freeness and privacye. And, 
for what concerned himself, he was soe farr from taking it in evill part, that, were it 
for nothing els, he were obliged to lov'e yow for your honesty, and he ever dealed 
plainly and truely with your Lordship. Therefore, whatsoever be at any tyme saide 
unto yow, yow may be confident was from his heart, and he approoved of all yow 
ever saide to him, but onely once, which he never had told to any one but to me 
then, and yow would remember it by these tokens. Your Lordship shewed him a 

» The Earl of Pembroke. 




little before his goeing out of Spayne a letter, wherein yow writt of the Duke of ' 
Buckingham, which he misliked, and told your Lordship yow expressed much 
spleen against the Duke, and therefore would haVe yow alter it. The letter yow 
sent away, without first shewing it unto him ; but when he returned to England he jJ 
saw it, and found yow had altered it much after the manner that he badd yow. His 
Majestic alsoe told me that, though yow much desired the match, yet he thinketh 
yow did not labour soe effectually as yow might have done to effect what he soe 
extreamely desired, which was to have the Infanta then along with him ; and 
whilest the Duke and Conde de Olivares were good frends, and that yow were fallen 
out with the Conde (which he sayd was indeed for being an honest man to him) 
yow were yery cold in soUiciting that particular ; but that, assoone as the Conde and < 
Duke were fallen out (which was not personall betwixt them, but cawscd by the 
buiseness, and for his Majesties service) your Lordship was instantly frends with the 
Conde, without recapitulating any buiseness of the quarrell, or receiving satisfaction 
for the wrong he had done yow; wherein, his Majestie sayth, he discovered much yll 
will in yow to the Duke, and an aptness in yow to be over confident in the Spaniards^ 
when theire promises concurred with rour desires. 

The sum and conclusion of his Majesties discourse was that, personally, he hath a 
very good affection to your Lordship, and the error which he conceiveth to be com- 
mitted by yow is such that the least acknowledgment shall expiate it, and then yow 
shall have hiis faronr againe as before. I hope this relation will bring much content 
.unto your Lordship, espetially I telling yow that the King seemed to me to speake it 
very affectionately, and much resenting ^ your sickness, which I pray God soone to 
free yow of, that yow may in due tyme take notice to his Majestie of what I write 
to your Lordship as yow shall thinke fitt. And soe, with remembraunce of my humble 
service to your Lordship^ I rest 

Your Lordship's most faithfuU serraunt, 

Kenslhvb DiGBy. 

London, 27th May, 1625. 

Charles had thus reduced his demands to the simplest form^ 
Bristol was to give a private acknowledgment that he had been 
mistaken. But this was precisely what, as a truthful man, he could 
not do, as long as he was unconvinced that he had been mistaken. 
We have not before- us Bristol's reply to his cousin's letter, but 
there can be no doubt that it was in the negative, and that it was 
this which caused Charles to take the unwise step of once more 
inforcing Bristol's confinement. 

' t.0. feeling for. 


The following letter,^ which appears in Bristors narrative as a 

thunderbolt in a clear skj, may thus be satisfactorily accounted 

for : — 

Bight tmstye and well beelored GoDsin, wee greete yon well. Wheraa our l&te 
deare Father of most glorious memory did for some causes restraine you to your 
house, and that wee have not as yett had tyme to take notice therof , or giye order 
for disposing of you otherwayes; our pleasure is that you remayne tmder the same 
restraint and confinement as you were ordered to hy our late deare Father, untill wee 
shall giye further direction. And wee doe by these our letters excuse your not 
comming to our Parliament, and will that you forbeare to come thither— our writt of 
sunmions, or anything therein cpntayned to the contrary nottwithstanding — and 
these our letters shallbee your sufficient warrant and dischardge in this behalfo. 

The letter was characteristic of Charles. It was just like him to 
be stung by a refusal to make an acknowledgment of error to him- 
self, and just like him to give as a reason for the fresh infliction, 
that he had ''not as yett had time to take notice of Bristol's 
fault, though he knew perfectly well that Bristol had no intention 
of coming up to the Parliament, and tliat he could therefore have 
as mueh time to consider the matter as he pleased. 

The next letter * which we have from Bristol refers merely to 

the former and more polite request to refrain from coming up to 

London : — 

May it please your Grace. Haying receiyed soe positiye an answer from your 
Grace by your letters of the 2d of May, it may seeme unmannerlines in me further 
to importune yow, but that I am contented to incurr that censure, rather then not to 
doe the utmost that is in my power to lett your Grace and the world see with how 
much eamestnesse and respect I haye and doe seeke your Grace*s favour, the which 
if I may be soe happeie as to obtaine, I wiU not faile for the future to make good 
those professions of thankfulnesse and seirice I haye made unto your Grace. And 
soe hoping that your Grace will at last afford him f ayour whoe ommitteth noe meanes 
of seeking it, I recommend your Grace to God's holy protectione, and rest 

Your Grace's most humble seryant, 


Sherborne, the 17th of Julye, 1625. 

* Charles I. to Bristol, June 10, 1625. S. P. Dom. Charles I. xyiii. 34, i. 

• Bristol to Buckingham, July 17, 1626. S. P. Dom. iy. 69. 


Months passed on, and there were no signs that Charles intended 
to find time to consider Bristol's case. In January 1626, when 
the Coronation was approaching, the Earl made another move. He 
*' wrote a humble letter to his Majesty and the Duke,"^ accom- 
panied by one to Conway, which, with its inclosed extracts, has 
alone been preserved.' 

My yerj good Lord, I am loathe to be a trouble to jour Lordship with mj nnfor- 
tnnate bnsinesse ; jet, in regard that all restraintes that were laid nppon me in his 
late Majesties tyme of happie memorie were^onlie under your Lordship's hand, and 
that by a letter which Sir WiUiam Beecher sent unto me * the last summer bearing 
date the tenth day of June, signed by his Majestie, wherby I was commanded not to 
come to the Parliament, and likewise charged to remayne under the same restraints 
as I was in the time of the King his father, to no other end but that I may not faU 
into errour or blame, the same restrainte haying beene enjoined me at seyerall 
tymes, and by severall letters, X hare appointed this bearer to attend you with true 
coppiesof them all, and with a note how I understande them ; and shall receaye it as 
an especiall fayour from your Lordship clearelie to understand in what condition I 
stand in pointe of my said restrainte. For beeing resolyed not in anie one tittle to 
transgresse or sworye from his Majesties royall pleasure, I should be sorrie to 
committ anie errour through mistaking, and therefore am bold to craye this curtesie 
at your Lordship's hands. I haye presumed against this happye tyme of his Majesties 
Coronation to bee an humble suitor unto his Majestic for his fayour. The coppie of 
the letter I haye written this bearer will shew unto your Lordship, and I shall therein 
eraye your helpe and assistance, and shall labour to deserye it by the best senrices 
I shall bee able to do your Lordship, to whome I wish much happines, and remayne 
your Lordship's affectionate senrante and kinsman. 

Sherborne, the 12th of Jenuaiy 1625. 

In point of fact Charles had made a blunder. When in his 
letter of June 10 he ordered Bristol to remain *' under the same 
restraint and confinement as you were ordered by our - late deare 
Father," he had forgotten that James had, before his death, per- 
mitted the Earl to come to London if he pleased. Either, there- 
fore, the King must himself impose a new restraint without being 

1 State Trials, ii. 1297. « S. P. Dom. xriii. 34. 

' The King's letter of June 10, at p. xxyiii., was sent to Beecher by Conway on the 
11th. See Conway's Minute Book, p. 218. 


able to allege a shadow of reason for it, or he would have to see 

Bristol amongst the peers in the Parliament which could not long 

be delayed, a prospect which was all the more annoying, as he 

seems to have fancied that Bristol had some hand in instigating the 

opposition to the vote of supplies for the expedition to Cadiz in the 

preceding year.^ 

Charles at once flashed into anger. The next letter 2 put an end 

to all prospect of reconciliation : — 

Wee hare TecjTed jour letter addrest to ns by Buckingham, and we cannot but 
wonder that yon should, through forgettf ulnes, make such a request to us of fayoar^ 
as if 70U stood evenly capable of it, when you knowe what your behayiour in Spaine 
deserved of us ; which you are to examine by the observations wee made, and knowe 
you will remember how at our first coming into Spaine, taking upon yon to bee see 
wise as to foresee our intentions to channge our religion, you were soe farre from 
disswading us that you ottered your service and secrecy to concurre in it, and in 
many other open conferences, pressing to shew how convenient it was for us to bee 
a Bomaine Catholick, it being iippossible, in your opinion, to doe any greate action 
otherwise. How much wrong, disadvantage and disservice you did to the treaty, 
and to the right and interest of our deare brother and sister, and theire children ; 
what disadvantage, inconvenience, and hazard you intangled us in by your artifices, 
puttings off, and delaying our.retume home ; the great estimation you made of that 
State, and the vile price you sett this kingdome at, still mainteyning that wee under 
colour of freindshipp to Spaine, did what was in our power against them, which 
(you said) they knew very Well ; and last of all, your approving of those conditions 
that our nephew should bee brought up in the Emperour's Court, to which Sir 
Walter Aston then said, he durst not give his consent for feare of his head, you 
replying to him that without some such greate action neither marriage nor peace 
could bee had. Given at our Fallace at Westminster* the 20th of January in the 
first year of our raigne. 

As might be expected, we find Bristol in his next letter treating 
these charges, which he believed himself to be perfectly well able 
to answer, to be tantamount to a declaration of the King^s intention 
to bring him to trial. To Conway he writes * : — 

' See Bristol's next letter, p. zzxi. 

« Charles I. to Bristol, January 20, 1626. S. P. Dom. xviii. 106. 

» Bristol to Conway, February 6, 1626. Harl. MSS, 1680, fol. 143. 



Good Cosen. This bearer, W. Gresly, wilbe able to tell yow all that I can saj 
of the estate of my unfortnnate bussinesse, wheria haying done all that I can 
thinke of by way of humiliation,* I mnst now attend with patience God's will and 
his Majestyes : for on my part I can do no more, only defende my innocency the 
best I shalbe able, when I shalbe called to any tryall, which I confesse, if my 
hamble seekings and snbmissions may not take place, I should be gladd were as 
speedye and as pnblicke as might be ; but, Ck)sen, I shall continew them, and so 
shall my wife at her coming npp. And I intreate yow to doe the like with my 
Xiord Dnkc nppon all occasions yow can lay hold of. There is further on^ particular 
wherin I shall intreate yonr kindnesse. I heare my Lord Duke should be informed 
that I should plott and combyne with some parlament men that seemed adverse to ^ 
his Grace at Oxford, and that theruppon should of late^ be much incensed agaynst 
me. Herein, Cosen, I shall intreate yow to give his Grace satisfaction on my 
behalfe, which yow may do as trewly as eyer was in any bnsinesse, for I take God 
to recorde I never would have to do since I came into Englande with anything 
belonging to Parlament, nor never attempted anything to the Duke's prejudice. 
The particular W. Gresley will tell yow by wo(»:d of month, being to long for 
ft letter ; bat I intreate yow to deale very effectually, for although my Lord Duke 
should rhyne me to-morrow, yet for trewth sake I should be gladd he were satisfyed 
herein. And so, not haying wherwith further to troble yow for the present, I 
remember my love and service to yow, and remayne 

Tour most affectionate Cosen to serve you, 

6th of Feb. 1625. 

Conway's reply of the 25th has not been preserved. But it may 

be gathered from Bristol's answer that the King still hoped to draw 

from him, in a roundabout way, some acknowledgment of having 

been at fault. The rest of the correspondence speaks for itself, and 

may be given without further comment: — 

My Lord,*— I have received your letter of the 26th of Feb. and therin a 
commandment in his Majesties name to make acleere and plaine answere, whether 
I desire to rest in the securitye I am now in, and to acknowledge the gratious favour 
of his late Majestic and of his which now is, who have bene pleased not to question 
my actions, &c. Hereunto I have laboured exactly to obey, but finde that a playne 
andcleere answere cannot possibly be made untill there bee a cleere understanding of 
the thing propounded ; so that I must crave pardon if my answeare be not as cleare 
as I could wish it, for I must freely acknowledge that^ I in no way understand what 

» « humiation," MS. « " one.'* 

» Bristol to Conway, March 4, 1626. Harl. MSS. 1680, fol. 148. 


is meant by the security I am now in, whether it be the present estate I am in or 
not. Tf it be soe, I conceare a man cannot be nnder a harder condition. For your 
Lordflhipp knoweth that, by order, my person is restrained, and yon were pleased 
lately to send me word that yon wonld not adyise me to make use of the liberty 
which his late Majestic had given me of conmiing to London, allthongh it were only 
to follow my prirate affaires, and for the recorery of my decayed health. I stand 
likewise prohibited to come to the Court or to the King's presence (I passe by the 
being removed from all my places and offices, and whoUie depending npon his 
Majesties Boy all pleasure), bnt being a Feereof this realme I hare not only by com- 
mandment bin formerly staid from the Parliament, bnt of late by writt have bene 
deteyned as though my honour were forfeited. And this is tmely the condition 
which I am now in ; but I cannot imagine that this is the securitie is intended I 
should rest in, but am in hope that the securitie intended is, that I may for the 
future injoy the libertie of a free subject, and the priviledges of a Peere of the 
Kingdome, which being soe, I shall with all humility acknowledge his Majesties 
grace and favour, and be ready to serve him with all fidelitie, even to the laying 
downe of my life, not thincking it to stand with the duty of a subject to presse his 
being questioned, since such being the pleasure of his soveraigne yt were not in the 
power of any subject to avoid it. But in case his Majestie shalbe pleased to bring 
me to any legall tryall, I shall most willingly and dutyfuUy submitt myself e there- 
unto, and doubt not but my innocency in the end willbe my best mediator for his 
Majesties future favour. And in that case I am a suitor that my writt of Parliament 
as a Peere of the Bealme may be sent unto me, and that my present repaire unto 
JLondon may not displease his Majestie. 

And as for the pardon of the 21th Megit Jacobi, which you mention I shpuld 
renounce, I know that the justest and most cautious man living may through omis- 
sion or ignorance offend the lawes, so that, as a subject, I shall not disdaime any 
benefitt which commeth in the generall, as it doth usually to all other subjects of 
the kingdome. Bnt as for any crime in particular that may trench upon my imploy- 
ments in pointe of loyaltie, fidelitie, or want of affection to the King or State, I 
know my innocency to be such that I am confident I shall not neede that pardon. 

I shall conclude with a most humble suite unto your Lordshipp that out of your 
noblenesse, and that friendshipp that hath bene betwixt us, you will use your best 
indeavours both with his Majestie and the Duke that these unfortunate businesses 
may be passed over, by the renewing whereof I can see little use that can be made 
but the adding to a man's misfortunes allready sufficiently humbled ; for I am ready 
to doe all that a man of honour and honestie may doe ; but rather then to doe any 
thing that may be prejudiciall to me in that kind, to suffer whatsoever it shall 
please God to send, and so, with the remembrance of my humble service unto your 
Lordshipp, I recommend yon to God's holy protection, and rest, 

Tour Lordshipp's mo(it humble servant, 


Sherborne Lodge, the 4th of March, 1625. 


Mj Lord.* I receayed a letter from jooi Lordship, dated the 4th of thU moneth, 
written in answere to a former which I directed to /our Lordship bj his Majesties 
commandment. This last lettre, according to my duty, I haye shewed onto his 
Majestic, whoe hath pemsed it, and hath commannded me to write back onto yon 
again, that he findes himself nothing satisfjed therewith. The question propounded 
to your Lordship from his Majestic was plaine and deere:— Whether you did rather 
chnse to sitt still withont beeing qnestioned for anj errors passed in yonr negotiation 
in Spaine, and enjoje the benefite of the late grations pardon grannted in Parlia- 
ment, whereof jon may hare the benefites; or whether, for the cleering of yonr 
innocency (whereof yourself and yonr freinds and followers are soe confident) you 
will bee contented to waye the advantage of that pardon, and putt yourself in a 
legal way of examination for the tryal thereof? His Majesties purpose is not to 
preyent you of any favours the lawe hath given yon ; but, if your assurance be 
such as yonr words and letter import, he conceaveth it stands not with that publique 
and resolute profession of yonr integrity to decline your trial. Uis Majesty leaves 
the choice to yourself, and requires from yon a direct answere without circumlocu- 
tion or bargaining with him for future favors beforehand ; but if you have a desire 
to make use of that pardon which cannot be denyed to you, nor is any way desired 
to bee taken from you, his Majestic expects you should, at the least, forbeare to mag- 
nifie yonr service, and out of an opinion of your owne innocency cast on aspersion 
upon his Majesties justice, in not affording you that present fullness of liberty and 
favour which cannot be drawn from him but in his owne good time and according 
to his good pleasure. 

That much I have in commandment to write to yonr Lordship, and to require 

your answer clearly and plainly by this messenger sent on purpose for It, [and so 


Yonr Lordship's humble servant, 

Edw. Conwat.]' 
Whitehall, 24th March, 1625. 

My Lord.* I have receaved your letter of the 24th of March, on the 28th ; and I 
am infinitely greived to understand that my former answeare to yours of the 4th of 
March hath not satisfied his Majestic, which I will endeavour to do by this, to the 
best of my understanding ; and to that end shall answeare to the particular pointes 
of yonr present letter with the greatest cleerenesse I am able. 

First, whereas you say in your letter that the question propounded to me was 


* Conway to Bristol, March 21, 1626. S. P. Dom. xxiii. 46. Printed in Rush- 
worth, i. 234. 

' The words in brackets are^f rom Rnshworth, the remainder is a copy in the hand- 
writing of Conway's secretary. 

3 Bristol to Conway, March 80. S. P. Dom. xxiii. 102. Printed in Rnshworth, 
i. 234. 



plaine and cleere, vizt. : — Whether I would rather choose to gitt ttill ' without heiug 
questioned for liny erronrs past in my negociation in Spayne, or enjoy the benefitt 
of the late gratious pardon, whereof I may take the benelitt, or whether, being con- 
tented to waye the advantage of that pardon, I would put myselfe into a legall way 
of examination for the triall thereof et*? 

1^. Your Lordship may be pleased to remember that your last proposition was : — 
Whether I desired to rest in the sectiritye I was in, which you now expresse :— 
IVhether I will choose to sitt still et\ 

2Ue. Your proposition was whether I would acknowledge the gratious favour of 
his late Majestie and his Majestie that now is, whoe had bin pleased not to question 
my actions, when it is best knowne unto your Lordship that by a commission of the 
Lords I was questioned upon 20<*' articles, divers involving felonye and treason, 
allthongh it be true that, when I had soe answeared as I am most confident their 
Lordships would have cleered me, I was soe unhappie as theire Lordshipps never mett 
more about the businesse. 

But now your proposition is :<— Whether I will choose to sitt still without being 
further questioned for errors past, whereas before it was required I should 
acknowledge that I had not bin questioned at all, which is a very different thing. 
But conferring both your Lordship's letters together, and gathering the sence and 
meaning by making the latter an explication of the former, which I could have 
wished your Lordship would have more cleerely explayned, I retume unto your 
Lordship this plaine and direct answeare : — 

That understanding by the securitie I am in, and sitting still, and not being 
further qtiestioned, that I am restored and lefte to the bare freedome and libertie 
of a subject and peere (for a man being called into question by his Majestie, yf 
afterwards his Majestie shall be plesCsed out of his goodnesse that he rest quiett and 
secure, and that he shall not be further questioned, I conceave it is most apparent 
that his libertie naturally revolveth to him when by his Majesties grace he is 
pleased to declare he shall not be further questioned, but may live in securitie,) soe 
that understanding your Lordship's letter in this sorte, (for noe direct answeare can 
be made untill the sence of the question be truly stated,) I doe. most humbly acknow- 
ledge and accept his Majesties grace and favour, and shall not wave any benefitt 
that may come unto me by the pardon of the 21 Ja. nor of the pardon of his Majesties 
happie coronation ; and I am soe f arrc from bargaining (as you are pleased to expresse 
it) for future favour (though I hope my humble and submissive course of petitioning 
of his Majestie neither hath nor shall deserve soe hard an expression), that I shall 
not presume soe much as to presse his Majestie for any special favour, untill my 
dutifull and loyall behaviour may moove his rpyall and gratious harte thereunto ; 
but receave with all humblenesse this my freedome and libertie, the which X shall 
likewise only make use of in such sorte, as I shall judge may bee most agreeable to 
his Majesties pleasure. 

1 The words in italics are underlined in the MS., which is the original letter with 
autograph signature. 


Am for the seacond parte of jonre letter, wherein yow say: — That if I desire to 
make use of that pardon, his Majestie expects that Ishonld, at least, forbeare to mag- 
nifie my services, or oat of an opinion of my owne innocencye cast any aspersion upon 
his Majesties jnstice, et«. To this pointe I answeare, that, as I hope I shall never erre 
in that sort of immodestie of yaluing of my services which I acknowledge to have 
ben accompanyed with infinite weakenesses and disabillities, soe I hope it shall not 
displease that I make use to my owne comfort and the honomr of my posteritye of 
those many written testemonyes which my late most blessed master hath lefte me of 
his gratioos acceptance of my services for the space of 20*'" yeares. Soe likewise I 
hope the modest avowing of my innocencye will not be thonght to cast any aspersion 
upon his Majesties honour or justice. And I most freely confesqe nnto your Lord- 
ship that I am mnch afflicted to see inferrencyes of this natmre made, both in your 
Lordship's last letter and in this. For if it shall be inferred as a thing reflecting 
upon the King's honour that a man questioned, before he be convict, shall endeavour 
to defend his owne innocencye, it will be impossible for any man to be safe, for the 
honour of his Majestie is too sacred a thing for any subject, how innocent soever, to 
contest against. Soe likewise, God forbidd that it should be brought into con- 
sequence, as in your former letter, as a taxe upon the government and justice of his 
late Majestie or of his Majestie that now is, that I should have suffred soe long yf 
I were not g^iltie. For as I have never bin heard soe much as to repine of injustice 
in theire Majesties in all my sufErings, soe I well know that the long continuance of 
my troubles may well be attributed unto other causes, as to myne owne errours of 
passion or other accidents. And your Lordship may well remember that my affayres 
were almost two yeares ^ce upon the pointe of a happie accommodation, had it 
not bin interrupted by the unfortunate mistaking of the speeches used to Mr. 
Clarke. > 

I shall conclude by the intreating of your Lordship's favour that I may understand 
from you, as I hope, for my comfort, that this letter hath given his Majestie satisfac- 
tion, or if there should yet remayne any scruple, that I may have a cleere and plaine 
signification of the King's pleasure, which I shall obey with all humilitie ; and soe I 
leave your Lordship to God's most holy proteccion, resting 

Your Lordship's humble servant, 

Sherborne, the 30th of March, 1626. 

My very good Lord.* By his Majesties commandment I herewith send unto your 
Lordship your writ of summons for the Parliament ; but withall signify his Majes- 
ties pleasure herein further that, howsoever he gives way to the awarding of the writ, 
yet his meaning is thereby not to discharge any former directions for restraint of 
your Lordship's coming hither, but that you continue under the same restriction as 
you did before ; so as your Lordship's personal attendance is to be forbom, and 

' See p. XV. 

s Lord Keeper Coventry to Bristol, March 31, 1626. Printed in Rushworth, i. 238. 



therein I doabt not bnt your Lordship will readily gire his Majestie satisfaction ; 
and 80 I commend my service yery heartily nnto yonr Lordship, and remain 

Tonr Lordship's assured friend and serrant, 

Tho. Coventby, C.S. 
Dorset Court, March 31, 1626. 

May it please yonr Lordship.^ I hare receiyed yoor Lordship's letter of the 81 of 
March, and with it his Majesties writ of snmmons for the Parliament. In the one 
his Majesty commandeth me that, all excuses set aside, upon my faith and alle- 
giance I fail not to come and attend his Majesty; and this under the great seal of 
England. In the other, as in a letter missive, his Majesties pleasure is intimated by 
yonr Lordship, that my personal attendance should be forbom. I must crave leave 
^P ingeniously to confess nnto your Lordship that I want judgment rightly to direct 
myself in this case, as likewise that I am ignorant how far this may trench upon 
the privileges of the peers of this land, and upon mine and their safety hereafter. 
For, if the writ be not obeyed, the law calleth it a misprision and highly fineable, 
whereof we have had late examples; and a missive letter, being avowed or not, is to 
be doubted would not be adjudged a sufficient discharge against the Great Seal of 
England. On the other side, if the letter be not obeyed, a Peer may d-e facto be 
committed upon a contempt in the interim, and the question cleared afterwards ; so 
that in this case it is above mine abilities. I can only answer your Lordship that I 
will most exactly obey; and to the .end I.may understand which obedience will be in 
all kinds most suitable to my duty, I will presently repair to my private lodging at 
London, and there remain untill in this and other causes I shall have petitioned his 
Majesty, and understand his further pleasure. For the second part of your Lord- 
ship's letter, where your Lordship saith that " his Majesties meaning is not thereby 
to discharge any former directions for restraint of your Lordship's coming hither, 
but that you continue under the same restriction as before, so that your Lordship's 
personal attendance here is to be forborne," I conceive your Lordship intendeth this 
touching my coming to Parliament only; for, as touching my coming to London, I 
never had at any time oneVord of prohibition, or colorable pretence of restraint ; 
but, on the contrary, having his late Majesties express leave to come to London to 
follow my affairs, out of my respect to his Majesty then Prince, and to the Duke of 
Buckingham, I forbore to come until I might know whether my coming would not 
be disagreeable unto them ; whereunto his Majesty was pleased to answer both 
under the hand of the Duke and of Mr. Secretary Conway^ that he took my respect 
nnto him herein in very good part, and would wish me to make use of the leave the 
King had given me ; since which time I never received any letter or message of 
restraint; only his Majesty, by his letter bearing date June last, commandeth me to 

> Bristol to Lord Keeper Coventxy, April 12, 1626. Printed in Buahworth, I 238. 
* So the name stands in Bush worth; but the next letter shows that Cottington's 
should be substituted for it. 


remain u I was in the time of the King his father, which was with liberty to come 
to London to follow my own affairs as I pleased, as will appear onto yonr Lordship, 
if yon will afford me so mnch favor as to pemse them. I have writ this much nnto 
jonr Lordship, because I wonld not through mismiderstanding fall into displefumre 
by my coming np, and to intreat yonr Lordship to inform his Majesty thereof ; and 
that my Lord Conway, by whose warrant I was only restrained in the late King's 
time of &mons memory, may produce any one word that may have so much as any 
colorable pretence of debarring my coming up to London. I beseech yonr Lordship 
to pardon my desire to have things clearly understood, for the want of that formerly 
hath caused all my troubles ; and when anything is misinformed concerning me, I 
haye little or no means to clear it, so that my chief labor is to avoid misunderstand- 
ing. I shall conclude with beseeching your Lordship to do me this favor, to let his 
Majesty understand that my coming up is onely rightly to understand his pleasure, 
whereunto I shall in all things most dutifully and humbly conform myself, and so, 
with my humble service to your Lordship, I recommend you to God*s holy protection, 
and remain 

Tour Lordship's most humble servant, 

Sherborne, April 12, 1626. 

My Lord.' I have and shalbe very punctual in obeying all your Lordship's orders 
both by word and letter, and therefore, having receaved a message from your Lord- 
ship divers monthes since by Mr. Greislye, that when I should come to my house or 
lodging in London I should give notice thereof, I have thought fitt to give your 
Lordship knowledge that I intend, Qod willing, for the settling of affaires which 
importe my whole estate, and for the recoverye of my decayed health, to repaire 
shortly to my private lodging at St. Giles ; and, although I shall not faile presently 
upon my arrivall to give your Lordship notice thereof, yet for the avoyding of all 
misunderstandings (by which alreadie I have suffred much) I thought fitt to advertise 
your Lordship thereof beforehand, least any restrainte in that kinde might be 
obtruded upon me, whereby I might incurre displeasure, I assuring your Lordship 
that neither from yourself, nor any other, I have receaved at any time so much as 
one word of prohibition or coulorable pretence of restrayning me from comming to 
London; but to the contrary having his late Majesties expresse leave to come 
to London and to follow my affaires, but out of my due respect to his Majestie, 
then Prince, I forbore to come untill I might knowe whether my comming wonld not 
' be disagreeable unto him, whereunto his Majestie was pleased to make answeare 
both by. the Duke of Buckingham as likewise by Mr. Secretarye Cottington, as will 
appeare by theire letters^, that he tooke my respect unto him herein in ^ery good 
parte, and would wish me to make use of the liberty his Majestie had given me, 

I Bristol to Conway, April 12, 1626. S. P. Dom. xxiv. 68. 
* See p. xxiv. The letters themselves have not been preserved. 


since which time I neyer receared any message or letter of restrainte in any kind ; 
only from yonr Lordship a letter of his Majestie bearing date the 10th of June, 
that I shonld remayne in the same condition I was in the time of the King his 
father, which your Lordship best knoweth was farre from any restrainte from 
comming to London, for nntill the time when, under conlor oif giving me leave to be 
absent from Parliament upon mine owne suite, a clause of restrainte was inserted 
under the King's hand, I never had any kinde of restrainte but what was singly 
under your Lordship's hand. And therefore, for the avoyding of all mistakes I have 
thought fitt to give you this timely notice, beseeching you that if you conoeave th^t 
there be any coulor for any such restrainte that you would signifie unto me by 
yonr letter when or how it was, which I shall readily obey, but I shall be loath by 
mistakes and conjectures to be frighted into a confinement. But if it must be, I 
pray your Lordship that it may be done cleerely and avowedly, for that my comming 
up importeth my whole estate, which is intended to be questioned, and my health, 
for which yf I seeke not present remedye, which is not heere to be had, I am told I 
shall mnne much hazard ; yet I shall most readilie obey all your orders untill God 
shalbe pleased to send me redresse; and soe, not having for the present further where- 
with to trouble your Lordship, I most humbly recommend your Lordship to God's 

most holy protection, and rest 

Your Lordship's most humble servant, 

Sherborne, the 12th of April, 1626. 

What followed upon this correspondence is matter of history. It 
is well known that Bristol came up to London and petitioned the 
House of Lords. Then followed the charges brought against him 
by the Attorney-General, and the counter charges brought by him 
against Buckingham and Conway. The whole dispute was brought 
to an end by the dissolution of Parliament. Bristol was then sent 
to the Tower, and a process was commenced against him in the 
Star Chamber. But the case was postponed from time to time, 
and at last, when Charles was looking about for support from all 
sides before the meeting of a fresh Parliament in 1628, and when 
he had almost forgotten his old quarrel with Spain in the heat of 
his new quarrel with France, Bristol obtained what he had always 
asked for, permission to kiss the King's hands, without making 
any acknowledgment whatever. 


If it were still necessary to throw light upon Charles's mode of 
treating men who differed from him, nothing could serve the pur- 
pose better than these letters. No question of any collision 
between privilege and prerogative arose here. The Eoyal authority 
for any purpose of government was in no way at stake. It was 
merely a question whether the powers of the Crown were to be put 
forth to restrain the liberty of a subject without ever bringing him 
to trial, in order to prevent him from opening his mouth to say 
that he had been right when the King considered him to have been 
wrong. The question between Charles and Bristol was the ques- 
tion between Charles and Eliot in its simplest form. 

Of Bristol himself it is not necessary here to say much. If he 
preceded Eliot in his defence of the subject's liberties, he was far 
behind him in his grasp of constitutional theory. He had himself 
never been a member of the House of Commons, and it was hardly 
likely that he would associate himself with the movement for the 
exaltation of that body. The value of the story of his resistance 
consists in the fact that he was standing entirely aloof from political 
contests, and that he therefore placed it upon grounds which com- 
mend themselves to all, whatever their political theories may be. 

Errata: p. 9, note *, for " Properlj, at that time, Lord Keeper," read " Properly, 
at the time of the first appointment of the Commission, Attorney-General." 
P. 21, Uist line, dele " 


I. Statement made by the Eabl of Bristol of his pbo- 



FoRASMUCHE [as], in the Interrogatories adrainistred vnto the Earle 
of Bristoll by his Majesties commaundement, bearing date the 
30. of June, 1624, in his answeare to the second clause of the 7th 
Interrogatorye, wherein hee is demaunded : why hee would so 
confidently assure his Majestie of theyr reall proceeding in Spayne, 
having beene acquainted with the affront putt upon his Majestie in 
the Treaty for Prince Henry ; hee sayth : — For the giving a due 
answeare to the point in question, by deducing businesses downe 
from Prince Henry's tyme untill this present, would bee of greater 
lengthe then befitted that his Answeare, he would in a paper aparte 
set downe the whole progresse of the treatyes for a match with 
Spain from the yeare 1611 untill this present: hee hathe, in 
performance of his dutye and his promise made in the sayd 
answeare, written the subsequent Discourse, which containethe all 
the passages in Ithe treatyes of a marriage since his firste imploy- 
ment into Spayne untill the arrivall of his Highnes and my Lord 
Duke of Buckinghame in Spayne ; which hee desirethe may bee 
presented unto his Majesty and my Lords the Commissioners. 
And for the carriage and miscarriage of the busines from that tyme 
untill his revocation, hee is likewise ready to give his Majesty a 
true account thereof, whensoever his Majesty shall commaund it. 

Firste. The Earl of Bristoll desireth that yt may be considered 
that the marriage with Spayne was not propounded by him, as will 
appeare by his instruction, 1611, when hee went firste into Spayne, 
hee being appointed then to propound a marriage for Prince Henry, 



but was no way admitted to the consultyve parte of his imployment 
then, nor in many yeares after. 

And that a matche with Spayne seemed by the ministers of those 
tymes so muche to bee desired that the Infanta Dona Ana, that 
King's eldest daughter (for whome hee made the firste motion) 
being already promised .to the Kinge of France, the Earl of 
Bristol had order, by a dispatche bearing date the 25th of January, 

1611, stilo vet., signed by the Earl of Salisbury in his Majesties 
name, to propound that Kinge Phillipp the 3rd would adopt a 
niece, one of the daughters of Savoy, and treate a marriage for 
Prince Henry, which not being approved in Spayne, and answeare 
being made that that King had daughters of his owne, notwith- 
standing that there was such a strong disparitie in yeares (Prince 
Henry being then neare twenty, and the Infanta Dona Maria 
about seven yeares of age), yet the desire of those tymes seemed to 
be so muche set upon a matche with Spayne, that the Earl of 
Bristol had order by second letters, bearing date the laste of March, 

1612, signed by the Lords of Salisbury, Northampton, Lennox, 
Suffolk, Worcester, and Pembroke, to propound a matche for 
Prince Henry with the sayd youngest daughter. The which ac- 
cordingly he did, and received answeare that the King of Spain 
would willingly hearken unto the matche, so that Prince Henry 

y/ would become a Roman Catholick. To which unequall and dis- ' 
honorable motion the Earl of Bristol! made answer that the King 
his master desired to refer it to that King's own judgement, what 
censure that King should deserve, both from the hands of God and 
the world, that, having so many wayes expressed his Jconstancie 
and love to the faythe and religion which he professed, should 
showe himselfe so full of impietie and dishonour as to persuade his 
Sonne to make exchange of his soule for a, wife or any earthly 
fortune whatsoever. And if the King of Spayne would not for a 
world (as hee professed) bee eyther the direct or indirect causer of 
the hazard of his daughter's perversion, that that King mighte bee 
pleased to consider that yf hee bee therein so exact as befittethe a 


King in point of religion and honour, that the King his master was 
likewise in no degree lesse : and therefore had commaunded him 
planely to declare, that though hee could not but make a kinde 
and princely construction of the offer which that King made of his 
daughter (as judging her moste worthy of any prince whatsoever), 
yet for his demaund of the Prince his becoming a Eomane Catholick, 
the King his master held yt unworthy of him, and would absolutely 
refuse, to bestowe the Prince his 'sonne upon these conditions, were 
the person offred the sole heyre of the monarchic of the world. 

After the answeare, the speache of any matche was utterly 
silenced for a good space. In which interim yt will appeare, by 
many testimonies, with how much fidelitie and vigilancie the Earl 
of Bristoll served both the King, Churche, and Commonwealthe, by 
the particulars following : — 

Firste. There being at that tyme an English seminary begun to 
bee erected at Madrid, at the charge of one Caesar Boccaccio, concern- 
ing which Sir Thomas Lake (by his Majesties order) had written 
unto the Earl of Bristoll by his letters of the 14. of November, 
1612 (as despayring that yt could bee prevented), that hee should 
not strive muche in yt ; yet the Earl of Bristoll prevayled so muche 
by his industrye, as after the students were settled there to have 
them removed, and Father Ores well himselfe (then of greate power 
in Spajme) to bee sent out of that Courte. The particular relation 
whereof he referrelh to those his dispatches of the 4th of January 
and 18. of February, 1612, which then seemed to be services so 
acceptable, that his Majestic caused the Archbishop of Canterbury,' 
in a letter bearing date the 15. of June, 1613, all written in his 
owne hand, to write as foUowethe, viz.: ** Lett him knowe that I 
well and very well accept of his service there. I tell you he 
hathe donne mee suche service there as never any embassador did 
mee before." 

And the late Bishopp of Winchester,* in his of the 6. of 

1 Archbishop Abbot. ' Bishop Montague. 




Aprill, written all likewise with his owne ^and, saythe — " I am 
loathe to write so much to you of his Majesties good opinion 
of you, and of his gratious acceptance of your services, as truly 
I may. But truly upon your laste dispatche hee tolde mee how 
diligent and how industrious a minister you were ; how able 
and how honest. I tolde his Majestie I would bee so bolde as to 
lett you understand thereof. For I found nothing made you more 
willing to serve him than to heare of his Majesties good acceptance 
thereof And withall, his Majestie gave mee the letters of the 
King of Spayne to Aquaviva, and the reste of CreswelPs to the 
Provinciall and theyr Generall, and wondering how that busines 
of overthrowing the newe erected seminaryc could bee brought 
about, saying — that it was the noblest parte and the moste power- 
full that ever embassador playd." And the bishopp concludes 
with a God bee thanked for yt, and that it will ever remayne a 
trophee of your love and service to the Churche, besides King and 

That for some yeares togeather there was no consulta nor letter 

written in Spayne by that King or counsell whereof the Earl of 

v/ Bristoll procured not his Majestie by his industrye a copie, and for 

the most parte sent yt before the originall could arrive at the place 

to which yt was directed. 

That, all his Majesties chief ministers being pensioners then to 
y Spaine, without regard of person the Earl of Bristoll made a free 
and cleare discoverye of them all unto his Majestie, which procured 
him a greate enmitie and hatred, which hathe lasted towards him 
ever since ; allthough, at the same tyme, the Earl of Bristoll pre- 
vayled so muche with his Majestie as to obtajme that no man was 
questioned or disgraced thereupon, humbly beseeching his Ma- 
jestie to have regard rather to services that mighte bo donne him 
for the future, by the intelligence which he had settled, than, by 
punishing paste disservices, to hazard the discoverye of yt; which 
his Majestie was pleased to condescend unto. And the Earl of 
Bristoll (as a faythefull servant) disguised nothing from his Majestie, 


jet omitted nothing that could bee done to keepe the parties in 
fault from disgrace or question. 

That when Scioppius (like another fowle-mouthed Shimei) 
scattred a rayling and infamous libell, full of irreverent language 
and disrespect unto his Majestic, and that the Earl of Bristoll 
could not procure suche exemplary punishment to bee inflicted on 
his person as he held iitt for his Majesties greatnes, 3rt is well 
knowen with how muche hazard hee caused his Majesties honour 
to be vindicated in the publique face of that courte by a neere 
kinsman of his.^ 

That for the true understanding of the Spaniards intentions, the 
Earl of Bristoll procured to gett into his hands all the King of 
Spaynes originall papers^ both the secrete instructions and dis- 
patches to theyr embassadors, and all consultas concerning England 
ever since the peace. And afVer hee had copyed them, hee made 
upon everye one of them a privy secrete-marcke before they were 
returned to the Kinges cabinett. To the end that yf hee should 
have had occasion to make use of any of those papers by way of 
allegation, hee might have tolde them where to find that marke, 
to the end they might knowe the originall had beene in his hands. 
And with these markes the sayd secrett papers still remayne. And 
the copies of them are in the Earl of Bristoll's hands, ever ready 
for his Majestyes use and service. 

And of all these services, hee can showe suche testimonies of his 
Majesties high estimation of them, both under his Majesties owne 
hand and from his ministers by his order, that hee conceivethe no 
subject can produce greater from the prince his master then the 
Earl of Bristoll can. 

By that which is hitherto sayd, yt will appeare that the Earl 
of Bristoll in the proposition of the matche for Prince Henry had 
nothing to doe, but with the parte of obedience ; and that in all 
other thinges, eyther touching the King, Churche, or Common- 

* By beating Scioppius. 



wealthe, hee behaved himselfe with fidelitie and some measure of 

It will now bee fitt to sett downe in the next place how the 
matche for Prince Charles began to bee renewed, and what con- 
nexion yt had with the former proposition. 

After that this demaund of the] Spaniards for Prince Henry his 
becoming a Romane Gatholick was represented into England, the 
Prince in all things began to showe himselfe disaffectionate to 
Spayne, and a matche for his ^Highnes was neere upon conclusion 
with a daughter of Savoy, when yt pleased God to j»ke unto him- 
selfe that noble and worthy Prince, 

xAt the same tyme, those distastes betwixt Spayne and Savoy^^^ 
which afterwards broke out to a direct warr touching Monferrato, 
wereattheyrhighthe; and the Spanish embassadors out of England, 
and likewise the ancient counsellors of Spayne, oft^n and seriously 
represented unto that King and to the Duke of Lerma (who then 
chiefly guided the affayres of that State)Jiow important it was for 
the upholding of that monarchic, to bee upon good tearmes with 
England, and that there had been a greate errour committed in that 
strict and rigide demaund touching the match with Prince Henry ; 
and to this effect the Conde de Gondemar wrote many serious and 
pressing dispatches into Spayne/ upon his firste coming into this 
imployment, alleaging that by the deathe of Prince Henry the matche 
was become more equall and treatable by reason of the fittnes and 
suitablenes of yeares betwixt Prince Charles and the Lady Marie. 
^Hee alleaged^ allso besides the ancient and received maxime of 
Spayne, " Paz con Inglatierra, y con todo el mundo guerraj'^many 
important advantages for the good of that Crowne, and the advance- 
ment of Catholique religion, which by a match and perfect 
amitie with England would acrewe; and this his advice was 
seconded by the opinion of Don Juan de Idiaques, and all the 
ancient counsellours of those tymes./ Whereupon the Duke of 
Lerma began to have many discourses with the Earle of BristoU, 
who admitted of none, but still gave an account of all secretely 


unto his Majestie, and had order to heare all that should be pro- 
pounded, but tolde the Duke of Lerma thatlhee was soe farir 
discouraged by that harshe and unreasonable answer to the proposi- 
tion for Prince Henry that hee had little hope ever to see the 
difference in religion so reconciled as to make a 'matche againe 
treatable./ Whereupon hee assured the Earl of BristoU that that 
King and State so muche desired a matche and perfect alliance with 
England that, on theyr parte, they would stretche as farr to accom- 
modate differences as they could eyther with honour or conscience ; 
and thereupon was there called a junta of the chiefe divines in 
Spayne, who were required to deliver theyr opinions, and to sett 
downe suche conditions (as being graunted by the King of England) 
the King of Spayne mighte [safely bestowe his daughter upon a 
prince of a different religion ; and that those conditions were to bee 
without touching upon the Prince his conversion or toUeration of 
religion, ^or that the Earl of Bristol^ had declared plainly that 
no treaty or overture would bee admitted or hearkned unto where 
eyther of those points should bee so muche as touched.^ Whereupon 
the Duke of Lerma, in the yeare 1614, delivered unto the Earl of 
BristoU certayne conditions in writing, which had beene agreed 
upon by the divines. But the Earl of BristoU was so farr from 
giving hopes or incouragement in the matche that hee absolutely 
refused to promise so muche as to send them unto his Majestie, 
declaring that hee judged them unworthy of him. Yet underhand 
he sent them secretely unto his Majesty, togeather with his opinion 
how unfitt they were to bee admitted of, and that he had disavowed 
the sending of them. Yet upon them was the matche for Prince 
Charles again renewed, and good hopes given to the Spanish embas- 
sador. But the firste condition propounded was that the Earl of 
Bristol! (then Sir John Digbye) must have nothing to doe with 
the match, but that the Spanishe embassador must send for a com- 
mission to treate and conclude the matche with the ministers heere ; 
and the Spanishe embassador was made acquainted with all that 
the Earl of Bristol! had written ;Jand the very articles that he liad 







secretly sent out of Spayne (protesting against the admitting or 
sending of them unto his Majestie, as judging them unworthy of 
him,) were putt into the Spanishe embassador's hands; and there- 
upon the Conde de Gondemar (then Don Diego Sarmiento de Acuna) 
wrote unto the Duke of Lerma that it was desired heere that the 
Earl of Bristoll should have nothing to doe with the busines, but 
that hee mighte have authoritie to treate the matche with the chiefe 
ministers in England ; and accordingly order was sent unto the Conde 


de Gondemar, and the Duke of Lerma withdrewe from the Earl of 
Bristoll all maner of treating or proceeding in the busines, more than 
so muche as he conceived would serve to disguise the busines and 
holde him in ignorance, whilest in the interim things were seriously 
debated and advanced in England untill, by- the Earl of Somerset's 
misfortune, this negotiation was for some small tyme interrupted. 
The which was sone after in a manner renewed by severall con- 
ferences held betwixt the Spanish embassador and the Earl of Kelly .^ 
But the Earl of Bristoll was never made acquainted with the for- 
mer proceeding, nor with the renewing of yt by the Earl of Kelly. 
But yt is true that by his owne industrie and private intelligence hee 
gott exact and perfect knowledge of all that passed in England and 
of all the embassadour wrote into Spayne. And not knowing 
whether these proceedings were by his Majesties approbation, with- 
out respect of any person acquainted his Majestic with all that had 
passed, as hee doubteth not his Majestic will well remember ; and 
so he conceiveth dothe the Earl of Kelly, who, yt should seeme, had 
sufficient warrant for all he did from the King ; for that, the next 
day after the Earl of Bristoll had acquainted his Majestic with all 
the particulars, the Earl of Kelly meeting him in the gallerye, said 
merily unto him: ** I sec, Mr. Vice-Chamberlayne, I had beene 
litle beholding unto you yf 1 had been a knave.'' 

In the yeare 1615 the Earl of Bristoll was by his Majestic 
recalled and commaunded presently to repayre into England. 

* At that time Visooimt Fenton. 



Thereupon the Duke of Lerma acquainted him in some sorte with 
the proceedings, and desired him to doe all good offices for the 
increasing of amitie and neare alliance at his returne, assuring him 
that by that King and his ministers yt was very really desired, and 
that they would doe all that was possible on theyr side to accom- 
modate differences yf his Majestic would doe the like on his parte ; 
whiche the Earl of BiistoU promised to represent unto his Majestic, 
as hee did faithfully, and received direction from his Majestic to 
write severall letters to the Duke of Lerma as from himselfe, which 
letters (for his better warrant in all tymes) the Earl of BristoU 
moved his Majestic to sign the copie of them with his owne hand, 
warranting him to send them, which his Majestic was pleased to 
doe. These letters were showed to the commissioner, as likewise 
the Duke of Lerma's answeares, which gave his Majestic all assurance 
of theyr reall desiring of the matche in Spayne, and doing all things 
on theyr parte that mighte conduce unto yt, as will appeare by the 
letters which are ready to bee produced. Upon this assurance of 
the Duke of Lerma's, his Majestic was resolved to begin the treaty. 
Whereupon the Earl of BristoU humbly moved his Majestic, 
that, before anything were donne, there might be a commission of 
Lords nominated, by whose advice all things mighte passe ; where- 
upon his Majestic was pleased to nominate for commissioners the 
Lord Dulb of Lenox ; Sir Francis Bacon, lord chancellor ;^ the Earl 
of Suffolke, lord treasurer ; the Earl of Nottinghame, lord admiral ; 
the Earl of Pembroke, lord chamberlayne ; the now Duke of Buck- 
inghame ; the Earl of Arundell ; the Earl of Worcester ; the Lord 
of Kelly f Sir Thomas Lake ; and the Earl of Bristol! ;^ to whome 
there was an exact and punctuall account given of all that had 
passed, and with theyr advice his Majestic resolved to send an 
extraordinary embassage ' into Spayne, and was pleased to make 
choyse of the person of the Earl of BristoU,^ whose instructions were 

1 Properly, at that time, Lord Keeper. 

« Then Viscount Fcnton. ^ Then Sir John Digby. 

CAMD. 80C. B 


drawen by the sayd commissioners after mature advise and debate, 
and then offred unto his Majestie, who, approving of them, signed 

/The Earl of Bristol^ began his journey towards Spayne in the 
month of Auguste 1617, and returned in Aprill 1618, and gave 
unto the lords the commissioners suche an account of his negotia- 
tions, that they were pleased to give testimonie of him unto his 
Majestie that hee in all thinges had behaved himselfe like a fayth- 
fuU and good servant, having in points of religion not only been 
more reserved than by his instructions hee mighte have beene, but 
likewise added severall conditions much to his Majesties honor and 
advantage, both in religion and the point of portion ;/and thereof 
his Majestie hathe likewise beene pleased to give manie testimonies, 
especially when yt pleased God to visitt him with a dangerous 
sicknes at Royston, where amongst many other his servants whome 
he recommended unto the Prince, hee was pleased in suche sorte to 
recommend the Earl of BristoU, that hee acknowledgethe to meritt 
no kind of grace or favour, but to have deserved all rigour, yf hee 
hathe beene wanting eyther in his fidelitie or his industrie towards 
so gratious a master. (^ Amongst other things his Majestie was then 
pleased to say that, although the Earl of BristoU mighte suffer in 
the world (as being held Spanish) hee had carefully watched him, 
r and,' if hee should have ever found any minte in hii# towards 
Spayne (more then agreed with his pleasure and directions) he should 
have hated him ; but (that hee had found him a faythful servant 
herein, and not to have gone one stepp without his liking.) AU- 
tliough, for the advancing of his service and ends, yt was fitt for 
him to upholde a good opinion and reputation Avith Spayne. 

Before the Earl of BristoU his departure towards Spa)me, hee 
craved leave of his Majestie to acquaint the Prince his Highnes 
with all particulars of his negotiation, as hee did, and presumed 
to give his Highnes in writing bothe what his opinion was, and what 

' Then Sir John Digby. 


hfe held his dutye, firste as » counsellor, secondly as a servant. The 
contents whereof is that which foUowethe : — 
I ** Sir,^ The opinion that I have ever presumed humbly to offer 
unto his Majestic concerning your Highnes marriage hathe beene 
that, bothe in regard of conscience and satisfaction to his Majesties 
people and allies, as likewise for the securitie and quiett of his 
Majesties estates, that your Highnes mighte take to wife some 
Protestant princesse, although shee were neyther daughter to king, 
or had any so ample portion as mighte relieve the King's present 
necessities, for that there mighte many meanes bee found for help- 
ing of the King's wants, either by some few years' providence, or by 
the joining of the affection of the people to the supplying of his 
Majestic by the way of subsidies in Parliament. I Whereas contrari- 
wise, jrf the number and power of the Papists shall bee increased, as 
undoubtedly yt will bee by your Highnes matching with any 
Catholic princesse whatsoever, through the commerce which must 
bee of necessitie for the exercise of her religion for herselfe and 
familie within your Highnes courte ; and thereby by degrees these 
two different religions shall growe to an equalitie of power, which 
will bee of greate hazard and disquiett to the State, and not to bee 
redressed without greate danger and courses of greater violence 
than is proper or usuall for this State to put in practise, t But in 
case his Majestic, out of his wisdome and considerations, beste 
knowen to himselfe, holde yt fittest that your Highnes matche with 
France or Spayue, or any other Catholick,1cyther for that the present 
tyme affordethe no Protestant princesse which is for yeares or blood 
suitable to your Highnes, or that can in any considerable measure 
by her portion supply his Majesties present want,|l then conceive 
that the matche by which this State shall suffer leaste inconvenience 
and cumber, land whereby your Highnes issue will have the moste 
undoubted and unquestionable royall blood, and whereby his 

^ This paper is printed in the State Trials (ii. 1408) wiLli some yerbal difference, 
and the omission of one clanse— *' and whcrebj your Highnes issue will hare the 
most undoubted and unquestionable royal blood." 



^ Majesties necessities shall (by the greatness of the portion) bee the 
moste relievedjis with Spayne — ^yf such a matche may bee made 
with suche conditions of religion as other Catholick princes will con- 
tent themselves withall./ (Thus muche I thought fitt humbly to 
present unto your Highnes, for that I see my imployment lyable to 
the censure of many worthy and religious men, — with whom though 
I concurre in my opinion, yet I seeme muche to differ from them in 
my wayes ; for that yt is more proper for mee to bee true to my 
master's ends and service then, by declaring this, to procure theyr 
satisfaction. ! Only to your Highnes I thought fitt to make this 
declaration, and shall have a suitor for your favour as you shall see 
mee really labour to putt this in effect ; andlyf his Majestic shall, 
eyther upon motion of Parliament or any other proposition that shall 
bee made unto him, thinkeyt fitt to proceede with a Protestant matche, 
asll shall wishe as well unto yt as any man living,|so I hope in 
suche sorte to manage the present busines that I have in hand, as 
yt shall rather muche further then any way crosse or hinder yt ; but 
in case his Majestic shall not bee drawen to • hearken to any propo- 
sition for a Protestant matche, I then conceive that your Highnes 
bothe dothe and will approve that I really and effectually labour to 
procure a matche for your Highnes with Spayne upon suche con- 
ditions in point of religion and portion as to his Majestic shall 
sceme fit." 

I Now by this paper yt will appeare that the Earl of BristoU was 
not the mover of the Spanish matche, nor positively for yt; in his 
opinion preferring any matche with a Protestant before all others, 
and the matche with Spayne butt only comparatively in respect of 
other Catholick matches. ) 

But during the tyme of the Earl of BristoU's absence, notice 
being gotten of this paper left with the Prince, the Earl of Bristol 
was traduced to the King as a servant that was not true and fayth- 
full to his ends and service, but that underhand hee had written 
and laboured to disuade the Prince from the matche intended for 
him by his father. And heereupon the Earl of BristoU had like 



to have fallen under a greate cloude of his Majesties displeasure (as 
is well knowen to many of my Lords), had not his Majestie beene 
pleased then to aflforde him a gratious hearing, wherein the Earl y 
of BristoU made yt appeare that the substance of the paper was tht 
same which hee had ever spoken unto his Majestie, that, as a 
counsellor, he ever wished a Protestant matche in the firste place. 
But yf, for want of a fitting person, or other respects best knowen 
unto his Majestie, he should holde yt fitt to bestowe the Prince 
otherwise, and therein to employ his service, hee would moste 
humbly lay downe his owne opinion, and moste faythfully (to the 
uttmoste of his power) pursue his Majesties ends, as in this em- 
ployment hee made it appeare unto his Majestie he had done. And 
thereupon his Majesties favour cleared agayne, which for some 
dayes had been clowded towards him. 

And at the same tyme, there being a hope, not only to bring the 
Earl of Bristoll into his Majesties disfavour and discreditt, but 
likewise utterly to disgrace and discreditt him with Spayne, the 
copie of the sayd paper was sent^ to the Spanish 

Embassador to lett him see how faynt a frend the Earl of Bristoll 
was to the Spanishe matche ; and how reall and true they were that 
sent him this paper. And this hathe beene usuall upon all occasions, 
firste in England and since in Spayne (as hee can instance in many 
particulars) to give notice unto the Spanishe ministers of whatsoever 
the Earl of Bristoll sayd or advertized to the advantage of Jiis / 
Majestie or religion, and the dis-service of Spayne. Insomuch that 
yt is well knowen to many, in what opinion hee was with the 
Spaniards as the only man that was opposite to theyr ends and pre- 
tentions by the matche. But the Spanish Embassador having notice 
how really the Earl of Bristoll had proceeded in Spayne, and that 
this paper was no other in effect than what the Earl of Bristoll 
had ever by word of mouth professed unto himselfe, vizt., that 

^ Blank in MS. Perhaps the name of the sender had been here inserted in the 


hee primarily and, in the firste place, desired that the Prince mighte 
marrye with one of his owne religion ; but, in case that inighte not 
bee, of all Catholick matches hee judged a Spanishe matche the 
'♦este, and to that end had in his late negotiation fay thefuUy pursued 
his Majesties ends, and so settled and agreed points of religion that 
the King of Spayne had undertaken to send presently a person of 
purpose to procure the dispensation, the Spanish Embassador, 
after some small showe of jealousie and discontent, passed over that 
business, which by others was laboured hee should have pressed 
against the Elarl of Bristoll to have wrought his ruine with his 

At the same tyme the Spanishe Embassador avowed firste unto 
his Majestic, and afterwards publiquely at the counsell table, 
before all the Commissioners, all that the Earl of Bristoll had 
treated in Spayne, where all the articles were read, and all suche 
promises which had passed by word of mouthe were there averred 
and confirmed by him. And he showed the King of Spayne his 
master's letters to warrant him in all particulars ; insomuche that 
bothe the Lordes Commissioners and his Majestic were then pleased 
highly to approve the solidnes and directnes of the Earl of BristoH's 
proceeding. And heere] it is to bee remembred that, in this in- 
terim, diverse of the Commissioners being by sicknes or accident 
hindred from attending the commission, as my Lord of Notting- 
hame, my Lord of Suffolke, and Sir Thomas Lake, the Earl of 
Bristoll moved his Majestic that in so greate a busines his Majestic 
would keepe the commission full, and, particularly, that hee would 
bee pleased to add suche as were judged to bee least favourable unto 
the matche of Spayne, alleaging to his Majestic (which hee doubteth 
^ not but hee well remembreth) that a matche with Spayne was not 
to bee stolne by the pluralitie of votes well inclined, but that it was 
to endure the strictest and most adverse examination ; and that, in 
case they alleage suche reasons and inconveniences agaynst the 
matche as mighte move his Majestic in his wisdome not to pursue 
any further, God forbidd but they should bee hearkned unto, and 


that his Majestic should follow theyr advice. But in case they 
should see juste cause to approve his Majesties proceedings, and 
should unanimously concurre in the further prosecution of this 
treaty, yt could not but add muche, both for the justification of the 
busines and the satisfaction of the world, when yt should bee scene 
to pass the examination and sifting of suche as were rather judged 
averse than favourable to the busines, further then they should bee 
induced by the strengthe of reason and the good of his Majesties 
service. Heereupon his Majesty was pleased to add unto the com- 
mission my Lord Marques Hamilton, the Lord of Doncaster, Mr. 
Secretary Jfaunton ; and after the Lord President of the Counsell,^ 
the Lord Keeper,^ and the Chancellor of the Exchequer,* without 
whose advice and mature debating all things that were offred, 
nothing was done whilest the treating of the busines remained in 
the Earl of BristoU's hands. 

But yt being agreed by the articles which the Earl of Bristoll 
had settled, anno 1617, that the dispensation was solely by the 
King of Spayne to bee procured, all things were so disposed of that 
the yeare after the Padre Maestro* was dispatched unto Rome to that 
purpose. And the Conde de Gondemar having in the interim made 
a journey that yeare* into Spayne, at his retume* assured his 
Majestic of theyr reall intention in Spayne to proceede with his 
Majestic in the matche, and brought order to confirme all that had 
been promised unto the Earl of Bristoll, and particularly for the 
advancement of half a million ^ which had becne by the Earl of 
Bristoll negotiated beyond any instruction that hee had, which hee 
did upon this ground : — 

Hee seeing that the recourse which the King of Spayne was to 
have unto Rome could not but putt greate disequality upon the 

* Viscount Mandeviile. ' John Williams, Bishop of Lincohi. 

^ Sir Richard Weston. * Diego de la Fuente, Gondomar's confessor. 

- » In 1618. « In 1620. 

7 Of dncats; they were to be of twelve reals or 6«. each, the whole snm being 



treaty, for that his Majestic treated absolutely and independently, 
but the King of Spayne was only obliged under condition, and 
with reference to the Pope's dispensation, thought fitt for a counter- 
securitie of the treaty to propound the anticipation of halfe a million 
which (after muche debate) hee gott condescended unto in Spayne. 
And the Conde de Gondemar brought order (as he declared unto 
his Majestic in the presence of diverse) for the advancing of the 
sayde halfe million, though it is true that use was not made thereof, 
for that (the trouble of Germany and the invasion of the Palatinate 
being then hapned,) the King and the Lords held yt not fitt nor 
honourable to presse for the King of Spayne's money, when they 
were in doubte whether these occasions mighte administer a juste 
cause of quarrell. 

' By these occasions,^ as likewise by the deathe of the King of 
Spayne, Phillipp the 3rd, as allso of the Pope Paulus Quintus, the 
treatie of the matche with Spayne was somewhat retarded, and the 
Earl of BristoU in the interim was imploycd in embassage to the 
Archdukes and to the Emperour,^ and from thence was to take his 
journey into Spayne upon those assurances that were given by his 
Majesties ministers in Spaynei Sir Walter Aston and Sir Francis 
Cottington,|of the professions of reall and sincere proceeding made 
unto them there ; they having from tyme to tyme particular charge 
to bring. the busincs to as much assurance as mighte bee before his 
Majestic should again send thether any embassage, as will appeare by 
dispatches made unto them by the Earl of Bristoll by the King's 
orderj wherein no other language was ever held unto them but 
that they should labour to bring the busines of the matche to a 
speedy and certayne issue; Ithat yf they should find -any coldeness 
therein and desire to winne tyme they should labour to disingage 
his Majestic, for that it imported his Majestic and these kingdomes 
so muche to have the Prince bestowed, that if his Majestic should 
eyther finde difficultye or delay, hee should be forced to alter his 
resolution for the matching of his sonne, and judge that the beste 

» In 1621. 



matche that conveniently mighte firste bee had. To these instructions 
yt will, by theyr dispatches in answeare of them, appeare what returne 
was made by Sir Walter Aston and Sir Francis Cottington, which 
were to the effect following: — 

That that King and his ministers gave them all assurances of the 
proceeding in the matche ; that presently, upon the deathe of 
Phillipp the 3rd, Sir Walter Aston received assurance from this ^ 
King's owne mouthe, that hee desired the matche as muche as his 
father had done, and would pursue the treaty of yt to a conclusion. 

And this language was constantly and unanimously used then in 
Spayne by all the ministers there, as will appeare by theyr severall 
dispatches, and by the Spanishe embassador heere unto his Majestic. 
Upon these grounds and assurances from Spayne, as likewise for 
the treating of the business of the Palatinate, was the Earl of 
Bristoll sent agayne into Spayne in the yeare 1621, the Lords 
Commissioners meeting often for the directing of the negotiation ; 
and his instructions were (after muche debate and deliberation) 
drawen by the Commissioners, who still gave his Majestic an 
account of all that they resolved at the end of every meeting, and 
received his approbation. 

The Earl of Bristoll arrived at Madrid about the beginning of 
June 1622, and had his firste audience within fewe dayes after. 
And so presently began to propound the busines for which hee was 
sent, bothe to the Kinge and Don Bathezar de Cuniga,^ who then 
chiefly had hand in busines. For untill after his deathe the Conde 
de Olivares only meddled with things of the King's grace and 
bountye, but with no business of state, eyther at home or abroade. 

The Earl of Bristoll his proposition will appeare by his dis- 
patche of the 28. of June, which was to this effect : — 

That whereas the treaty had depended some yeares, yt now 
imported the King his master highly to see yt brought to some 
certayne and speedy issue, having but onely one sonne, and hee 
being arrived to the yeares allmOste of twenty-two. That the scope 

> Baltazar de Ztmiga, uncle of Olivares. 



of his Majesties sending at present was, eyther to bring the sayd 
matche to a speedy conclusion, or otherwise, in case hee should 
finde the difficulties suche as could not bee well reconciled, hee 
mighte, without losse of any more tyme, so cleare the busines as his 
Majestic, recalling his ingagement with [Spayne, mighte dispose 
himselfe for the speedy bestowing of the Prince his sonne else- 

Heereunto hee received answeare, that this King desired the 
matche no lesse then his father, and that his Majestic should finde 
reall and speedy proceeding. That the Conde de Gondemar was 
sent for of purpose for the concluding of the busines, and was 
allready landed in Spayne; and that the King would give order 
for Commissioners presently to be named for the bringing of this 
treaty to a speedy conclusion. 

And yt will appeare by the same dispatche of the 28. of June 
(being the firste that the Earl of BristoU made after his'firste audi- 
ence,) that he was so farr from wynning tyme, or admitting delayes, 
^ that hee there cravethe his Majesties leave, that in case hoc" should 
finde delatory courses used in the busines, that hee mighte (without 
expecting any new order) take his leave and come home. 

And whereas yt hathe beene objected agajrnst the Earl of Bristoll 
that hee still desired to protract and delay the busines, hee humbly 
desireth that from this very dispatche (which was the firste hoc 
made out of Spayne) until his very laste, yt may be truly obseiTcd 
whether his language to his Majestic and the Prince, on the one 
side, were not to admit of no further delay, but rather to thinke on 
some other course ; and on the other side, whither hee pressed not 
things for a speedy conclusion as farr as eyther tearmes of fayre 
negotiation, or of good manners, would beare. And then hee 
doubteth not but yt will clcarely appeare that that which hathe 
beene suggested against him in this kinde will as ill beare the ex- 
amination as that other that the hopes given by his letters out of 
Spayne caused his Majestic to forbeare the assisting of the Pala- 
tinate, and by that meanes all was lost; when the truthe is that 


Heidelberg and all the rest was loste eyther before his firste letters 
of that subject out of Spayne beare date, or at leaste before they 
could come unto his Majesties hands; as is particularly made appa- 
rent in his answeare to the second interrogatorye. 

Upon the arrival of the Conde de Gondemar at Madrid, presently 
the Commissioners were named, and the treaty began. And the 
Earl of Bristol! delivered unto the King of Spayne and the Com- 
missioners his propositions in writing, which are heerc sett downe : 
** The Baron Digbye, Embassadour extraordinary of the King of 
Greate Brittayne, saythe, that yt is allmoste six yeares since a mar- 
riage betwixt the Prince of Wales and the Infanta Dona Maria, 
your Majesties sister, hathe beene in treaty. That yt is five yeares 
since the articles in matter of religion were agreed upon heere in 
Spayne, his Majestic (of famous memorye) having firste asked the 
opinion of many divines, whome hee caused to be assembled about 
this busines. That the King of Greate Brittayne his master agreed 
readily to all these articles ; and with them, and with that which 
was promised by word of mouth, which hath beene all perfourmed. 
And in a letter which the King his master wrote of the 27. of Aprill 
1620, in which hee particularly declared what hee would doe in 
favour of the Catholiques, the busines seemed so well grounded that 
the Pope's dispensation mighte well be demnunded ; and thereupon 
the fryar Diego de la Fuente was despatched to solicite the same in 
Rome. The Pope (without replying hither) hathe sent directly into 
England propounding unto the King not only many alterations in 
the sayd articles, but some newe things, whereunto his Majestie can 
in no sorte condescend ; this hathe seemed unto the King his master 
muchc difiering from that which hee expected. 

" First, for that yt is capitulated that the dispensations should be 
procured by Spayne. Neyther hathe his Majestie treated anything 
with the Pope, so that whatsoever the Pope would reply, hee ought 
to have done it to your Majestie by whome the dispensation was 


" Secondly, for that hee thought that with the foresayd articles, 




and that which was further promised, all things in point of religion i 

had beene fully settled ; and that theyr divines were of opinion i 

that with these conditions his Holines both mighte and ought to 
graunt the dispensation : now to see newe and impossible things 
demaunded seemed very strange unto him. 

'* And hereupon the King his master, desiring a speedy dispatche 
of this busines (y t being of so greate importance bothe unto him- 
selfe and his kingdomes to have the Prince his only sonne speedily 
marrycd, he being now neere the age of 22 yeares, and having for 
the space of six yeares paste forborne to bestowe him in marriage 
(meerely in respect of this treaty), hathe comraaunded him planely 
to declare unto your Majestic how farr hee can goe in matter of 
religion ; and if your Majestic shall therewith bee contented, that 
the sayd Embassador without further delay proceede to a conclusion 
of the marriage ; and yf this bee not sufficient to give satisfaction to 
your Majestic ( as hee hopeth it will ) since there is muche more 
graunted than was capitulated in the tyme of the King your 
father of famous memorie, your Majestic may bee pleased lyke- 
wise that it be so declared on your parte, to the end that, without 
losse of more tyme, the King his master may dispose of the Prince 
\is Sonne, and your Majestic of the Infanta your sister, as shall seeme 
best unto you." 

By this manner of proceeding yt will appeare whether the Earl 
of BristoU fell shorte of his instructions, or whether, yf any errour 
were committed, yt were not in the pressing parte beyond what hee 
had order for. 

To this proposition hee had not only from the Commissioners, by - 
word of mouthe, all assurance of reall and speedy proceeding, but 
likewise received in writing from that King the answeare which 
folio weth : " That Don Baltazar de Cuniga gave an account unto 
his Majestic of what was sayd and propounded unto him ; and that 
hee was very gladd to heare yt, for that hee is nott only desirous of 
the union of the marriage of the Prince of Wales with the Infanta 
Dona Maria, in regard yt was a busines begun, heard, and treated 


by the King his father of famous memorie, but, "when that should 
not^ have beene, hee would gladly have beene the beginner and 
conclude! of yt, for that his Catholic Majestic hopeth that for the 
difficulties that can bee heerein (which are matters of religion) the 
King of Greate Brittayne will overcome and dispose them in that 
sorte that with the conveniencie of bothe Crownes, and the generall 
good of Christendome, the Pope not only may but ought to give 
this dispensation, and his benediction for the conclusion of yt, yt 
being a thing (as yt hathe allwayes beene sayd) is precisely neces- 
sary ; and wherein (for our parte) there shall bee all expedition 
used, for that the speedy effecting of this busines is of as muche 
importance and no lesse desired heere then in England : that by 
this tyme the Earl of BristoU will have understood how Mr. Gage 
was sent from Rome unto England with certain animadversions 
upon the articles ; and that his Majestic would have beene glad to 
have understood yt in tyme to have procured him to have taken his 
journey by this Courte, that hee mighte have communicated with 
the Earl of BristoU that which hee carryed, and have conferred 
with hitn about yt for the greate confidence which is held of his 
person, goodnes, and good intentions, which is suche that obligeth 
us to showe unto him in greate secrecie the same papers which by 
the Embassadour the Duke of Alburquerque have beene sent from 
Rome, to the end that having scene them and the state of things in 
England, hee may judge what will bee fitt to write thereupon unto 
the King his master, and that from hence Don Carlos de Coloma 
may have notice of yt. For yt is heere desired that this busines 
may bee proceeded in with conformitie." 

And by that yt will appeare that, not only in that which con- 
cemethe that King's desire and affection to the matche, there is 
made profession of all sinceritie ; but in that which concerned the 
Pope they used another kinde of stile then of later tymcs they used. 
For in this answeare yt is sayd, that not only the Pope " may" but 
** ought" to dispense. And Sir Francis Cottington, who returned 
about this tyme into England, ** can beste testifye the language 



that was then used in Spayne, and the commissions which hee 
received from that King and his ministers to deliver unto his 
Majestic and the Prince, of theyr intentions to proceede to a rcall 
and speedy conclusion of the matcho, and to use all effectuall 
meancs to overcome the difficulties in Borne for the graunting of 
the dispensation. 

And notwithstanding the hopes then given by these assurances in 
Spayne, yt will appeare by the letters of the Earl of Bristoll, then 
brought by Sir Francis Cottington to his Majestic and the Prince, 
that hee ever, in the firste place, desired that all possible speede 
mighte bee used for the bestowing of his Highnes, and therefore 
hee wrote unto his Majestic of the 13. of September 1622 as 
folio wethe : 

*^ I shall presume to add to that which Mr. Cottington will 
deliver unto your Majestic by word of mouth, of the present estate 
of the matche, what I conceive to bee the right way to bring yt to 
a speedy issue : that your Majestic will bee pleased particularly to 
declare what you will doe in point of religion, and that you will 
^ appoint mee a certayne limited tyme by which this King should 
procure the dispensation or conclude the matche without yt, and in 
case there shall bee any further delay therein that I may then 
declare your Majestic to bee free and disingaged to bestowe the 
Prince in suche sorte as you shall judge moste convenient." 

And to the Prince wrote at the same time in the subsequent 
words : 

"That which will be necessary' for his Majesties parte, is to 
declare himselfe how farr he will be pleased to extend in point of 
religion in such forme as Mr. Cottington will propound unto your 
Highnes, and that hee sett mee a prefixed limited tyme to breake 
or conclude the matche eyther with the dispensation or without yt, 
and for the reste yt may be left to my negotiation. But your High- 
nes m^y bee pleased to hasten this his Majesties resolution with all 
possible speede." 

And hereupon his Majestic was pleased to send him his positive 


answeare in point of religion, and to limit a certayne tyme for the 
procuring of the dispensation by Mr. Porter, who arrived at Madrid 
in November, 1622, which direction of his Majestic the Earl of 
Bristol! was so carefull to obey with all punctualitie that the tyme 
limited for the procuring of the dispensation seeming very shorte 
to send unto Eome, and to have an answeare from thence, for that 
his Majesties letters, by accident, were long upon the way, yet the y 
Earl of Bristol! would not enlarge the tyme so muche as for a 
month, untill hee had firste sent unto his Majestic and received 
warrant under his owne hand, as will appeare by his Majesties 
letters of the 28. of October, 1622, as followeth : 

** Kighte trusty and wellbeloved cosen and counsellor. — ^Wee 
greete you hartily well. Whereas by your laste letter written to 
our secretary, dated the 29. of September, you are desirous to have 
our pleasure signifyed unto you under our owne hand, whether wee 
will bee contented or not to graunte one monthe longer tyme for 
the coming of the dispensation from Rome then wee have already 
limited unto you : in case they shall there conclude all things else 
to our contentment, with a resolution to send the Infanta hither tlie 
next spring, wee doe hereby declare unto you, that in that case w/^ 
you shall not breake with them for a monthe longer delay. Wee also 
wishe you not to trouble yourselfe with the rashe censures of other 
men, in case your busines should not succeede. Resting in that full 
assurance of our justice and wisdome, that wee will never judge a 
good and faythefuU servant by the effect of things so contingent 
and variable, and with this assurance wee bidd you hartily fare- 

In obedience to this letter, the Earl of Bristol! laboured to effect 
all that by this letter was directed. Wherein hee insisted so farr 
in point of religion, and in opposing the Pope's new demand, which 
had beene sent unto England by Mr. Gage, as to give greate dis- 
tastes to the Spanish ministers, and particularly to the Conde de 
Gondomar; who in greate anger tolde the Earl of Bristol! that, 


• allthoughe hee seemed muche to desire the Spanish raatche, yet 
really he had beene the greatest hinderer of yt ; and that hee muste 
not thinke to doe now as hee had donne in his former imployment, 
to stand stiffer in point of religion then was ordred by his in- 
structions ; and to have yt alleaged at his retume as a meritt and 
good service, that hee had held back part of that grace which his 
Majesty intended unto Catholicks ; as yt had been upon his laste 
imployment in the report made by the Commissioners of that 

However, the Earl of BristoU was much greived to see his 
Majesties service so muche betrayed. And thereupon wrote pre- 
sently into England, giving notice thereof, and desiring that for 
the future the like mighte bee prevented. 

And heerein the Earl of Bristoll appealeth unto the testimony of 
Sir Walter Aston, who was present at all that passed with the 
Conde de Gondemar and the Spanishe Commissioners, and desirethe 
that his dispatche of the 12. of December, 1622, sent by Mr. Porter, 
may bee produced; for that, as hee was present at all the debates of 
the busines, so hee conceiveth hee gave an account of that which 

And as for the Pope's new demaunds, yt will appeare by his 
severall dispatches to his Majestic, that the Earl of Bristoll held 
them unreasonable, and tolde the Spanish ministers that hee . con- 
ceived that, if they insisted upon them, that the' busines was at an 
end, as will appeare likewise by his despatches bearing date^ 
and thereupon laboured by all possible meanes to bring them to 
content themselves with that which his Majestic had condescended 
unto, without any alterations or additions. The which, although 
hee did in matter of substance, and that there was no essential diflFer- 
ence, yet not being punctually the same (differing rather in forme 
then otherwise) which his Majestic had prescribed by a paper of 
introduction, bearing date the 9th of September, under his owne 

I Sentence left unfinished in MS. 


hand, the Earl of Bristoll would not accept of them but only de bene 
esse J for the procuring of the dispensation, until hee mighte firste 
make his Majestie acquainted with the alteration and receive his 
approbation. ; and thereupon was Mr. Porter dispatched the 12. of 
December 1622, and carryed with him the answeare which was 
given to the Earl of Bristol by the King of Spaynes order in 
writing, the 12. of December 1622, which was verbatim in that 
which followethe : 

" Lo que su Magesdad Catholica, &c. That which his Catholick 
Majestie hathe commaunded to bee given in answeare to the Earl of 
Bristoll, Extraordinary Embassador for the King of Greate Brit- 
tayne, touching the marriage now in treaty is this that insuethe : 
That his Majestie hathe given orders that his resolution bee delivered 
unto him in writing, and therein (as the Earl of Bristoll himselfe 
hathe scene) hathe indeavoured what hee may to conforme himselfe 
with that which the King of Greate Brittayne hathe answeared 
unto the Pope's propositions, so desirous hathe his Majestie beene 
from the beginning to overcome all difficulties that mighte hinder 
this union. That bothe heere and at Kome hee hathe not slacked 
to use all possible care to facilitate yt, and will so continewe untill 
the conclusion ; and at this present (according to what is agreed 
with the foresayd Earle) a poste (to goe .and retume with speede) is 
dispatched to Kome, to the end that his Holynes, judging what is 
agreed upon sufficient (as heere yt is held to bee) may graunt the 
dispensation ; and in the interim, while the Pope send yt (the 
which his Majestie will procure before the end of Marche, or of Aprill 
at the farthest) the remayning temporall articles shall bee treated 
and concluded, to the end that no tyme bee loste. But the Infanta, 
immediately after the graunting of the dispensation, bee delivered 
the next spring, as is the intention of his Majestie." 

And in this answeare the Earl of Bristoll desircthe that foure 
things may be considered — 

1. Firste that the King of Spayne is not only confident that upon 
the articles agreed upon the Pope would dispense ; but declarethe 

CAMD. soc. D 


that in Spayne the sayd articles are held sufficient for the procuring 
</ of the dispensation. 

2. Secondly, Hee limiteth a certayne tyme for the procuring of 
yt, vizt., in Marche or Aprill at the farthest. 

Thirdly, Hee dothe not only declare jrt to bee his intention, but 
promisethe the deliverie of his sister at the spring. 

Fourthly, Hee capitulateth, that in the interim all temporall 
articles shall bee settled, and all fitting preparation made ready. 

And the Earl of Bristoll having procured this positive answeare 

in writing, sendethe yt unto his Majestic and the Prince, and 

accompanyethe yt with his owne letters bearing date the 26. of 

^/ December 1622, in which hee writethe unto his Majestic as 

followethe : 

" This is the true estate of the busines, as yt now standethe ; y f 
your Majestic approve of what is donne, I hope it will have a happy 
and shorte conclusion. Yf your Majestic thinkethe yt not fitt to 
condescend and allow of these articles, I have donne the uttmoste 
of my indevours, and shall humbly perswade your Majestie not to 
loose a day longer in the treaty, so muche yt importethe your 
Majestie and your kingdomes that the Prince were bestowed." 

And to the Prince in letters of the like date, in this sorte : 

** I presume now to write unto his Majesty that which I thinke 
my duty to say likewise unto your Highnes, that in case you shall 
not approve of what is now conditionally agreed, you permitt not a 
day more to bee loste in this treaty. For yt is of so greate con- 
sequence that your Highnes were bestowed, that yt importethe all- 
moste as much that you were speedily as fittingly marryed. But I 
hope that his Majestie and your Highnes will in suche sorte approve 
of this laste agreement, as you will speedily bring this long treaty 
to a happy conclusion. For you may be pleased in your wisdomes 
to consider that yt is impossible in so greate a busines, and whereby 
so many goods may be expected, but that yt should not bee accom- 
panyed with some things of hard digestion. I am out of hope of 
bringing things to any better tearmes, and therefore I deale clearly 


with your Highnes, and doe not only moste humbly perswade^ but ^ 
on my knees beg that of you, that you eyther resolve to conclude 
this matche as you may, or speedily to breake, and to bestowe your- 
selfe elsewhere, for no lesse than the happines of your kingdomes 
and the securitie of the King your father and selfe depend upon y t." 

And these were the laste letters of any moment that the Earl of 
Bristoll wrote to the King or Prince before his Highnes departure 
out of England towards Spayne. So that yf yt shall be considered 
from the Earl of Bristoll's first letters^ of July, to these his 

laste, hee wondrethe where those delayes and intertaynments will bee 
found wherewith the- Earl of Bristoll hathe beene charged. 

And according to this answeare the Earl of Bristoll did settle all 
the temporall articles in Spayne in suche sorte as all things mighte 
punctually have beene perfourmed in conforjnitie of this agreement, 
vizt,, that the portion should bee that which appeared to have beene 
agreed unto by this King's father ; that the person that should 
attend the Infanta into England should bee Don Duarte of Portu- 
gall ; that the desposorios per verba de praseiite should bee per- 
fourmed within twenty dayes after the arrivall of the dispensation ^ 
at Madrid. 

That the Infanta's journey towards England should bee within 
twenty dayes after that; which forty dayes were condescended unto, 
to the end that yf there should have beene any clogg in the dis- 
pensation, and that yt should not have beene cleare, they might 
have had forty dayes to have sent and gotten answeare from Rome. 
For the Earl of Bristoll solemnly protested that yf that tyme were 
exceeded hee would dissolve the treaty and presently retume. 

For the porte where the Infanta was to take shipping, yt was 
reserved to his Majesties choyse, whether yt should bee Lisbonne, 
San Andera, or the Groyne; and to this purpose was Gresley dis- 
patched into England, to knowe his. Majesties pleasure^ and to 
move his Majestic that all fitting preparations mighte bee likewise 

' BlaDk in MS. 



made In England ; and as hee entred into France with the dis- 
patches, hee mett with the Prince and my Lord Duke of Bucking- 
hame, who were pleased to open all his letters, and found in the 
sayd dispatches the above specified particulars contayned : and in 
this disposition was this greate afiayre when they entred into 
Madrid, which was the 7th of Marche, stilo AngluBy 1632. And all 
that is heere, contayned in this discourse, eyther of matter of hope 
or assurances, was there made good> and muche more unto them 
viva voce by the King of Spayne, and Conde de Olivares and Gon- 
demar. Insomuche that the Prince publickly tolde the Earl of 
BristoU that hee would acquitt him of all the hopes hee had given, 
and was pleased to write so muche unto his Majestic, and to give 
him leave to write likewise himselfe to the same effect, the Prince 
\J and the Duke having scene the Earl of Bristoll's letter of the 10. of 
Marche, before hee sent jrt unto his Majestic, in which hee writethe, 
that " there passed in Spayne suche an expression of joy, and so 
greate declaration of gratefuU acceptation of this action, as I dare 
confidently say unto your Majestic, that whatsoever I have formerly 
written of theyr professions, hathe now beene by many degrees 
exceeded ; as I doubt not but your Majestic will perceive from my 
Lord of Buckinghames pen." 

And the Earl of BristoU remembrethe that on Sunday the 9th of 
Marche, being the third day after the Prince his arrivall at Madrid, 
the Prince going abroad in a coache to see the King, Queene, and 
Infanta, hee was attended in the coache by the Duke of Bucking- 
hame, the Conde de Olivares, the Conde de Gondemar, Sir Walter 
Aston, and the Earl of BristoU; where the Conde de Gondemar, 
muche magnifying the honor which the Prince had donne Spayne 
-by this journey, asked the Conde de Olivares whether the King his 
master and hee would not avowe him to bee an honest man, by 
making good all the hopes and promises hee made unto the King of 
Greate Brittayne of theyr reall and sincere desiring of the matche 
in Spayne, and that the Conde de BristoU was an honest man to ; 
and that the Prince should finde in effect all that hee had written 


to the King hla master. The Conde de Olivares made answeare 
that they mighte bothe of them say theyr Nunc dimittia^ and 
trouble themselves no farther, but to expect honor and reward from 
theyr masters for theyr service in having brought businesses unto 
those tearmes they were now. 

For the King his master and the Prince being mett, and the 
Admirall* and hee, the one having that interest in the King of 
Greate Brittayne and the Prince his favour, and himselfe in his 
master's, and the busines so well disposed to theyr hands by the two 
Condes' care and industrie, yf they did not make bothe a marriage 
and perfect amitie and frendshipp, they would acquitt and discharge y/' 
the Condes of Gondemar and Bristol!/ and would bee content that 
the two favorites should beare the blame. 

' Bnckingham. 


II. — The Eaele op Bristol's Answere unto a Paper of 
Propositions sent unto him by the Duke of Buok- 

INQHAH, THE 2d OF FeBB. 1624.* 

^ The Earl of Bristol willingly accknowledgeth that in fonner 
tymes hee hath had many obligations unto the Duke of Bucking- 
ham, and if in the carriadge of the Spanish businesse the Earl of 
Bristol hath done any thing that hath bene distastfull unto his 
Grace, it meerly proceeded out of his zeale to his Majesties service, 
when hee thought that other courses or other councells would more 
have conduced to his Majesties endes then those which the Duke 
poursued; but not through wante of dew respect unto his Grace's 
person ; and as hee freely accknowledgeth past favours, so will hee 
omitt nothing on his parte for the regaining of his Grace's love and 
good opinion for the future, that may bee done without blemishing 
his honor or wronging his innocencye; and so, hoping that his 
Grace will accept of this affectionate and humble seeking of him, 
the Earl of BristoU offereth to his Grace the following answers to 
those propositions which hee receaved in writing from him this 2. 
of Feb. 1624, to the ende that his Grace, beeing by them fully 
satisfyed of the Earl's innocencye (as hee is confident his Grace or 
any man else willbee that shall read the sayde answers), his Grace 
may with the more readinesse and eflScacye imploye ^ his power for 

^ reconciling of the sayd Earl unto his Majesties and the Prince's 
favours, when he shall see him an innocent man, as well as desi- 
rous for the future to bee his Grace's humble servant and friend. 

> 1625, N.S. The heading only and a few interlineations are in Bristol's own 
« " I imploye " MS. 



The First Proposition. 

That the Earl of Bristol did accept and continew the treaty in 
generall tearmes so long without reducing them punctually to par- "^ 
ticulars, as by them tyme was lost, and the Spanish ministers tooke 
occasion to abuse his Majestic, for which the Earl is sorryc. 


In this first proposition the Earl of Bristol craveth leave to 
answer to three particulars: first, that he did not continew the treaty 
in generall tearmes one day longer than necessitye inforced ; 
secondly, that if tyme were lost, and the treaty reduced to great 
length, it was by other accidents, as the death of the King of ^ 
Spayne, and of two Popes, ettc. but by no fault of the Earl of 
Bristol's; thirdly, that if the Spanish ministers did abuse his 
Majestic at that tyme, as it seemes is supposed, which the Earl 
knoweth not, yet ther could no greater assurances passe betwixt 
States then hee receaved from Spayne of thier reall intentions, 
which hee trewly represented to his Majestic, and it seemeth that 
his Majestic, the Prince, the Duke, and all the Commissioners 
gave as much beliefe unto them then as the Earl of Bristol did. , 
As for the first pointe, that the Earl should continew the treaty 
uppon generallityes, hee sayth that hee doubteth not but his 
Majestic and the Lords Commissioners well remember that his 
directions were not to setle nor treat the temporall articles untill 
such tyme as the articles of religion were fully agreed of, for that it 
was held most proper and honorable for both sides first to see if 
the difficultyes of religion might bee reconciled before they passed 
to uny fiirther engagements. Now the sayde articles of religion by 
reason of the Pope's new demaunds sent unto England by Mr. Grage 
were not signed nor condiscended unto by his Majestic nor the ^ 
Prince untill the 5th day of Jan. 1622, and then were sent away 


post by Mr. Symon Digbie, who arrived at Madrid about the 25th 
of the same 'moneth. But the Earl of Bristol's care was such to 
have no tyme lost in the setling of the temporal articles that, before 
hee would condiscend only de bene esse unto the articles of religion, 
and that they should bee sent backe agayne unto Rome, hee pro- 
cured the King of Spa3me to promis that within the tyme limited 
for the procuring of the dispensation, which was by March or 
Aprill at the furthest, all the temporall articles should bee setled 
and agreed^ to the end that the Infanta might be delivered at the 
spring, as by the sayde answer in writing was declared to bee that 
Kinges intention ; and accordingly Sir Walter Aston and the Earl 
of Bristol did, not in the generall, but most industriously labour 
with all particuler articles, as they did most of them, videlicet, that 
the portion should bee two millions, it appearing it was so agreed 
by this Einges father; that, the dispensation comming, the 
desposorios should bee within 40 dayes after, and the Infanta's 
departure from Madrid should bee within 20 dayes after that ; that 
Don Duarte of Portugal should bee the man that should attend the 
Infanta in the journey; and all other particulers necessarye for the 
conclusion of the sayde treaty were by Sir Walter Aston and the 
Earl of Bristol and the Spanish Commissioners drawne upp into 
heads in writing, and after many debates they were consulted with 
that King, and the 2. of March stUo vet, the Conde of Gondomar 
and the Secretary Don Andreas de Prada came home to the house 
of the sayd Earl of Bristol to signifye unto Sir Walter Aston and 
himselfe, as they did, that the King had declared his resolution in 
all the particulers, and given them order to come to a speedy con- 
clusion with them of all thinges ; and that the Kinges answer to the 
sayde Consulta the Earl of Bristol saw and read all written with 
the King of Spaynes owne hand. 

On the 7th of March his Highness and my Lord Duke of Buck- 
ingham arrived at Madrid, and then the Spaniards tooke new 
hopes, and the negotiation was putt into a new forme; so that when 
it is objected against the Earl of Bristol that he entertayned and 



continewed the treaty so long- uppon gcnerallytie&, that certainly 
cannot bee meant of the spirituall articles, for they were such as 
were sent from Rome to England, and from thence they came to 
the Earl of Bristol ; and for the temporall articles, they not beeing 
to bee setled or treated till the articles of religion were concluded, 
certainly it cannot bee alleaged with any coulour that in them his 
Majestic was intertayned with generallityes ; since from the tyme 
that the sayde articles of religion were brought unto the Earl of 
Bristol by Mr. Symon Digbie, beeing the 25th of Jan., ther were 
but nine weekes untill the 7th of March, when the Prince arrived, 
and in the interim all the above speclfyed particulers were setled. 

2ndly. That the tyme that hath bene lost In this treaty hath not 
bene through the Earl of Bristol's fault. 

And for as much as it is pretended that much tyme hath bene 
epent in this treaty, It is very trew ; but that hath bene by the 
dlfficultyes which the businesse brought with it, as likewise by 
exteriour accidents, as the warres of Bohemia, the death of two 
Popes, and the King of Spayne, without the least fault of the Earl 
of Bristol, who was ever so desirous to see the Prince bestowed, 
that hee pressed nothing so much both to the King and Prince, as 
that the Prince might loose no more tyme, but rather breake the 
matche with Spayne then sujBTer any further delayes, as will appeare 
by his dispatches from his first arrivall at the Court of Spayne 
untill the Prince's coming ;| for, in his letters of the 28th of Jun[e], 
beeing the first that the Earl of Bristol wrote after his first audience, 
hee was so desirous that no tyme might bee lost, that in them hee 
craveth leave of his Majestic, that in case hee should finde any 
delayes in Spayne, hee might, without expecting any new order, 
take his leave and come home. And uppon the returne of Sir 
Frauncis Cottington In Septem[ber] following, hee writeth both to 
the King and Prince as folio weth : — 

" I shall presume to add to that which Mr. Cottington will 
deliver unto your Majestic by word of mouth of the present estate 



of the matche, what I conceave to bee the right wa j to bring it to 
a speedy issue, that your Majestie wilbee pleased possitively to 
declare what you will doe in point of religion, and that you will 
appoynt mee a certeyne limited tyme by which this King should 
procure the dispensation, or conclude the matche without it, and, in 
case ther shallbee any ^Lrther delay therin, that I may then declare 
your Majestie to bee free and desengaged to bestowe the Prince in 
such sorte as you shall judge most convenient/' 

And to the Prince, at the same tyme, hee wrote in the subse- 
quent wordes: — 

** That which willbee necessary for his Majestie presently to doe 
on his Majesties parte, is to declare hhnselfe how farr hee wilbee 
pleased to extend, in pointe of religion, in such forme as Mr. Cot- 
tington will propound. unto your Highness, and that hee sett mee a 
prefixed limited tyme to breake or conclude the match, either with 
the dispensation or without it ; and for the rest, it may bee left to 
tny negotiation. But your Highness may bee pleased to hasten 
this his Majesties resolution with all possible speeded' 

And having receaved from his Majestie his resolution in point 
of religion, and a limited tyme according to his desyre, the Earl of 
Bristol was so precise and punctuall therein, that^ although the 
making or breaking of the marriadge depended uppon it, hee would 
not give one moneth's longer tyme for the procuring of the dis- 
pensation untill hee had first acquainted his Majestie therewith, 
and receaved his direction under his owne hande, as will appeare by 
his Majesties letter of the 15th of Octo[ber], 1622, as foUoweth: — 
" Right trustieand wellbeloved Cousin and Councellor, weegreete 
you hartily well, Wheras by your last letter written to our secre- 
tary, dated the 29 of Septem[ber], you are desirous to have our 
pleasure signified unto you under our owne hand, whether wee will 
bee contented or not to graunte a moneth longer tyme for the 
comming of the dispensation from Rome than wee have allready 
limited unto you, in case they shall their conclude all thinges else 
to our contentment, with a resolution to send the Infanta hither the 


next spring, wee doe hereby declare unto you that, in that case, 
jou shall not breake with them for a moneth's longer delay ; wee 
also wishe you not to trouble yourselfe with the rashe censure of 
other men, in case our businesse should not succeede, resting in that 
full assurance of our justice and wisedome, that wee will never judge 
a good and faythfuU servant by the effects of thinges so contingent 
and variable. And with this assurance wee bidd you hartily 

And when the Earl of Bristol had agreed unto the articles in 
religion, and that a settled tyme was appointed for the comming 
of the dispensation, and a conclusion of the match, and that hee 
would bynde himselfe to nothing without his Majesties appro- 
bation, yet, for that no tyme might bee lost, he agreed to the pro- 
positions de bene esse, to the end the articles might bee sent imme- 
diately to Rome, without loosing so much tyme as to hear first from 
England, and humbly moved that, in case his Majestic should 
approve of the articles, hee would send his approbation directly to 
Rome, for the gayning of tyme, which his Majestic was pleased to 
doe. And at the same tyme hee wrote both to his Majestic and 
the Prince in his lettres of the 10th of Decem[ber], 1622, as 
followeth : — 

" This is the trew estate of the businesse, as it now standeth. Yf 
your Majestic approve of what is done I hope it will have a happy 
and short conclusion. Yf your Majestic thinketh it not fitt to con- 
discend and allowe of these articles, I have done the uttmost of my 
endeavours, and shall humbly perswade your Majestic not to loose 
a day longer in the treaty, so much it importeth your Majestic and 
your kingdomes that the Prince were bestowed." 

And to the Prince, in letters of the like date, in this sorte : — 

" I presume now to write unto his Majestic that which I thinke 
my duty to say likewise unto your Highness, that in case you shall 
not approve of what is now conditionally agreed, you permitt not a 
day more to be lost in this treaty, for it is of so great consequence 
that your Highness were bestowed, that it importeth almost as much 



that jou were speedily as fitdnglj matclied. But I hope that his 
Majestie and your Highness will in such sorte approve of this last 
agreement^ as you will speedily bring this long treaty to a happy 
conclusion. For you may bee pleased in your wisedomes to con- 
sider that it is impossible in so great a businesse, and whereby so 
many goods may bee expected, but that it should bee accompanyed 
with some thinges of hard digestion. I am out of hope of bringing 
thinges to any better tearmes, and therefore I deale cleaijy with 
\y your Highness, and doe not only moste humbly perswade, but on 
my knees begg that of you, that you either resolve to conclude the 
matche as you may, or speedily to breate it, and to bestowe your- 
selfe elsewhere. For no lesse then the happinesse of your kingdomes, 
and the security of the Kinge your father and selfe, depend uppon it." 
All which thinges being equally considered, the Earl of Bristol 
willingly submitteth himself to any censure, whether those delayes 
which severall accidents have brought forth in this businesse can be 
attributed to his default, since, on the one side, it is apparent that 
hee ever moved his Majestie and the Prince to admitt of no delayes, 
but rather to thinke of some other course ; and, on the other side, 
it will appeare by all his dispatches that hee pressed thinges with 
the ministers of Spayne to as speedy a conclusion as the utmost 
tearmes of fayre negotiation or good manners would beare. 

3rdly. Howsoever it may be supposed that the Spaniards abused 
the King, yet the Earl of Bristol did all thinges belonging to a 
faythRill and vigilant minister. ' 

And whereas it is pretended that the Spaniards should hereby 
take occasion to abuse his Majestie, the Earl of Bristol sayth that he 
used all the industry and vigilancy that a carefuU minister could 
doe, and had from the Spaniards all the assurances by oathes, wordes, 
and writing, which could be expected from Christians, the which 
hee faythfuUy, without adding or deminishing, represented unto his 
Majestie ; and his Majestie in those tymes was pleased to conceave 
uppon those assurances that they dealt really with him, and bee 


conc5eaveth tlie Prince and the Duke were pleased to write as much ^ 
unto the King at thier first comming to Madrid, and if since his 
Majestie hath just reason to conceave the contrary, his Majestic hath 
the juster ground of quarrell. But the Earl of Bristol confesseth 
that he was so confident that the Spaniards did then meane honestly, 
and intended to performe all that was -agreed, that he bestowed a 
great summ of money in his preparations ; and, although hee was 
not furnished with any moneyes out of the Exchequer, yet, because 
hee would bee sure to bee in a readinesse, hee returned twelve 
thousand pownds in monye out of his owne private estate for the »/ 
expence of hiq. journey, so confident was hee that all would have 
bin really performed ; and he conceaveth that if his dispatches may 
bee perused, it will appeare that hee served his Majestie with some 
measure of vigilancy as well as fidelitye. 

The Second Pboposition. 

That in the treaty for restitution of the Palatinate hee, the Earl 
of Bristol, hath never made mention, nor comprised in any article, ^ 

the restitution of the person of the Prince Palatine, or at least 
gave no satisfaction to the Prince, when the Gonde of Olivares tould 
him- he understood it soe. 



To this proposition the Earl of Bristol sayth that in the treaty 
for the restitution of the Palatinate, both with the Archduke, the 
Emperor, and afterward with Spayne, hee did ever mention the 
individual! person of the Prince Palatine, and fiirther sayth, that hee 
never would so much as admitt of any proposition that comprised ^ 
not the sayd personall restitution, which will appeare by all his 
dispatches, and by his memorialls in writing, which, as hee delivered 
to the ministers of Spayne, so hee still sent trew coppyes of them to 
his Majestie, the which hee assureth himselfe remayne in the custody 
of some of his Majesties Secretaries ; and although the producing of 


them alone would fully cleare this pointe, yet, for the shewing with 
what zeale and industry hee hath served his Majestie and the Prince 
Palatine in this business, he craveth leave to answer it more particu- 
larly by setting downe how hee hath carryed himselfe in this busi 

Presently, after his arrivall at the Court of Spayne, the Earl of 
Bristol made unto that King this proposition, which is heere sett 
downe verbatim :— 

The Earl of Bristol's first proposi[tion] unto the King of Spayne for 
the restitution of the Prince Palatine, in writing. 

That his Catholique Majestie willbee pleased to bee the meanes 
unto the Emperour that hee may receave the Count Palatine' into 
his favour and grace, and to restore him unto his titles, landes, and 
dignityes in the manner as he held them before hee did putt himselfe 
^ unto the businesse of Bohemia, the King of Great Brittaine taking 
to his charge to reduce the sayde Count Palatine to dew obedience 
to the Emperour ; and that hee shall doe all that shallbee just and 
reasonable for the satisfaction of his Emperiall Majestie. 

And this proposition after a careful! debate of the present estate 
of that businesse was made by the advise of Sir Walter Aston and 
Sir Fraimcis Cottington, as judging it fitt by engaging that King to 
an intyre restitution of the Prince Palatine to secure the mayoe 
ground of the businesse, which was done accordingly, as will clearly 
appeare by the Earl of Bristol's dispatch unto Mr. Secretarie Calvert, 
bearing date the 9th of August, 1622. Afterward hee moved and 
negotiated uppon every particuler occasion, according as the nature 
of each accident requiried, wherin hee doubteth not but it will 
playnely appear how vigilant and carefull hee was to lay hold of all 
occasions that might advaunce this businesse ; both in the tyme of 
Don Baltazar de Zuniga, and aflerward with the Conde de Olivares, 
whome hee procured in the moneth of October, 1622, in the presence 
of the Conde de Gondomar and Sir Walter Aston to promise that 



y vx 

the King6 should procure his Majesties iutyre satis&ction, and, 
rather then fayle, hee should doe it by his armes ; and this, whatso- 
ever may bee sayde that the Conde de Olivares may since have 
whispered, shall bee proved undeniably ; and was confirmed twice 
out of that Einges owne mouth, as will appeare^ as well by the 
dispatches of Sir Walter Aston of the 12th of December, 1622, as 
by those of the Earl of Bristol's,^ within few days after that that 
King and the Conde de Olivares had made this promise of assisting 
with thier armes, if neede were, the newes came to Madrid of taking 
of Hidelberg, whereof the Earl of Bristol complayned sharpely to 
the Conde de Olivares, and desired present order for the saving of 
Manham and Franquendale,^ which the Conde de Olivares promised 
him, and sent him that Einges letters of as effectuall and earnest 
mediation to the Emperour, Duke of Bavaria, and the Infanta, as 
could be written. But the Earl of Bristol would not accept of them 
nor send them away, but protested unto the Spanish ministers, and 
particulerly unto the Conde de Olivares (betwixt whom and the 
Earl of Bristol ther grew theruppon a great contestation), that hee 
would not accept of any thing lesse then what had bin so lately 
promised by that King and himselfe, which was, that if mediation 
tooke not place, that King would imploy his armes in his Majesties 
assistance ; and the Earl of Bristol prevayled so &rr that hee gott that 
Kinges order, by his letters bearing date the 29th of October, 1622, ^ ix 
that in case that the Emperour or Duke of Bavaria would not for- 
beare those^ townes wherin his Majestic had his garrisons, that the 
King of Spaynes forces in the Palatinate should be imployed in thier 
assistance, and that they should not suffer any wrong to bee done 
them by any other whatsoever ; and these letters the Earl of Bristol 
sent away presently to Brussells by Mr, Gresley, and his Majestic is 
pleased in his letters of the 24th of November, 1622, to write of 
them as folio weth : — ** That howsoever the order given for the reliefe 
of Manham arrived to late, and after the town was yeelded into the 
handes of Tilly, yett wee must acknowledg it to bee a good effect 

1 Miirginal note, <' A new section/' * Mannheim and Frankenthal. 


of jour negotiation, and an argument of that Kingecr sincere and 
sound intentions." So just was his Majestie then, and so the Karl 
of Bristol knoweth his Majestie will ever b^e, to judge of his minis- 
ters by their fidelitje and industry, and not by the successe of thinges 
depending uppon accident or other mens faults. One tkingfurtheir 
the Earl of Bristol desireth may be observed in this letter of the 
King of Spaynes, viddc, that in writing as well as by word of 
mouth, that promis which the Conde de Olivares made of assisting 
by armes, if neede required, is made good so farr as to make it 
apparent that it was so promised, and order procured by the Earl of 
Bristol for the performing of it accordingly ; but why it hath not 
bene performed, that remayneth betwixt the two Kinges, the one 

. ^/ to shew the accident or just reasons that hindred the performance, 
the other to resent it in such sorte as hee shall judge fitting if hee 
receave not just satisfaction. Afterward the Earl of Bristol pressing 
the Conde de Olivares and the Spanish ministers to some finall 
resolution, it is trew hee found them growe colder, and to answer 
much with recrimination of the Prince Palatine's behaviour, as his 
going into Alzatia, his taking prisoner the Landgrave of Darmstate, 
&c., wheruppon the Earl of Bristol wrote unto his Majestie in his 
letters of the 12th of December, that hee found them now to answer 
so farr shorte of what hee was directed to require by his Majesties 
letters of the 3rd of October, that hee would presently have left the 
court, if hee had not bene expressly commanded the contrary by 
his Majesties letters of the 14th of October, 1622, ordering him 
that what answer soever hee should receave that hee should not 
come away untill hee had first sent it unto his Majestie and receaved 

v^ \y new directions from him ; wheruppon his Majesty, having by the 
above specifyed dispatch of the 12th of December scene the trew 
estate of the businesse, and how the Earl of Bristol had proceeded, 
it is not probable that his Majestie would so farr havfe approved the 
Earl's proceedinges, if hee had, contrary to his instructions, omitted 
the person of the Prince Palatine, as his Majestie was pleased to doe 
in his letters of the 7th of January, 1622, in which he writeth as 


followethe: — " Concerning that other unfortunate knotty affayre of 
the Palatinate, to say the trewth, as thinges stand, wee cannot tell 
what you could have done more then you have done allready." 

The letters last mentioned of his Majestic beare date the 7th of 
January, and uppon the 7th of March next following the Prince 
and the Duke arrived at Madrid, wher it seemeth they found the 
ministers of Spayne well prepared in the treaty of the Palatinate ; 
for they tolde them that, in the businesse of the Palatinate, the 
Kinge of Spayne should give his Maje'stie a blanke wherin to 
frame his owne conditions, as will appeare by his Majesties letters 
written after the Prince's returne into Englande unto the Earl the 
8th of October 1623, in which hee writeth as folio weth : ** Wee ^ 
must remember you as a ground to worke uppon, that our sonn did 
write unto us out of Spayne that that Kinge would give us a 
blanke in which wee might frame our owne conditions concerning 
the Palatinate, and the same our sonn confirmeth to us now." If 
afterwards the Spaniards altered thcr language and manner of 
treating both in that and other thinges, whersoere the fault was, 
God knoweth the Earl of Bristol deserveth no parte of the blame of 
it. Sure hee is that the Spanish ministers, at thier first comming, 
gave so great assurances of thier reall intention to procure his 
Majestic intyre satisfaction that the Earl of Bristol moved the Duke 
to begin to treat that businesse in the interim, whilest the dispensa- ^i/i/ 
tion came from Rome ; but the Duke answered that it was fitter to 
bee left to the negotiation of ambassadors, for that they came 
thether, meaning the Prince and himselfe, to woe and make love, 
and not to make warr ; wheruppon all further treaty or speeche of 
the Palatin was layde aside untill a litle before the Prince's 
departure, for which the Earl conceaveth the Duke had his 
Majesties speciall order. For his Majestic (judging the matche to 
bee fully ended and concluded) commanded then the Duke and the 
Earl of Bristol to assume and revy ve agayne the businesse of the 
Palatinate, as will appeare by his Majesties letters of the 23 of July 
1623, directed jointly to the Duke and the Earl of Bristol, in 
which his Majestic is pleased to write as foUoweth : — 


v/ y ^ 


** Eight trusty e and right well beloved cousins and councellors, 
&c. Having now brought the mayne and principall businesse, 
which is the matche of our sonne, to a happy conclusion, as wee 
have lately understoode both from himselfe and by your dispatches, 
ther resteth two other perticulers of great importance, as you 
knowe ; the one wherof is publique, namely, the restitution of our 
Sonne in law and his posteritye to the Palatinate and dignity 
Electorall, the other private.* Wee have thought fitt at this tyme 
to give you authoritye by this letter under our hand and signett, as 
hereby wee doe give you full authority and commission joyntly arid 
severally, to proceede to the treaty of both thi:)se perticulers afore 

Further, it was the ordinary protestation of the Earl of Bristol to 
all the Spanish ministers that, although the matche with Spayne 
should bee concluded, yet it would bee impossible to continew 
peace betwixt the crownes of England and Spayne three moneths 
unlesse the Prince Palatine were restored both to his estates and 
dignityes, and hee ever publikely professed that, as great a friend 
as hee was to the matche, hee would bee the first that should advise 
his Majestic to a warr with Spayne in case it were not so ; and 
during the tyme that he treated the businesse, the King of Spayne 
did publikely oppose the transferring of the Electorate uppon the 
Duke of Bavaria, although afterward, the state of thinges beeing 
changed, and the Spaniards hoping by the advantage which they 
had to mend thier conditions in all thinges they treated, it is trew 
that the Conde de Olivares moved that the Electorate might bee 
restored to the Prince Palatine's sonn, and not to himselfe ; but the 
Earl of Bristol well remembreth that, as farr as with good manners 
hee might, hee playnely protested against it, and that very night 
that this had bene moved, hee wrote a paper of reasons showing that 
without the restitution of the Prince Palatine's individuall person 
the businesse was rendered impossible and untreatable. And the 
next morning hee brought the same paper and shewed it unto his 

I The other was a scheme for a joint attack npon the Dutch. 



Highness, the which^ because hee is fully perswaded that any man 
that shall read the sayd paper will never retayne any further doubt 
concerning the pointe, hee thinketh it fitt to insert the sayde paper 
here : — 

** 1®. That all the commissions and instructions that the Earl of 
Bristol hath for to treat the accomodation of the businesse of the 
Prince Palatine doe command precisely that hee should treat of. the 
restoring of the Prince Palatine's individuall person, so that hee hath 
no order nor power to treat in any other kinde. 

" 2«. That the Earl of Bristol well knoweth that the King his 
master is engaged by word* and writing to procure to the Prince 
Palatine the restitution both of his patrimoniall estates and honors, 
or to aide him with all his forces, though it were to putt to adven- 
ture his kingdomes. 

''3. That hee that is to give these powers for the accomodation 
of the businesse is the Prince Palatine, and all that the King his 
master can treat must bee in his name, since that it is hee who is to 
putt all in execution, and hee that must make the submissions and 
all the rest, and it cannot bee imagined that hee should give his 
powers for the exclusion of himself. 

" 4. That it is not likely that either the Prince Palatine or the 
Princesse his wife will ever give thier consent for the bestowing of 
thier sonn, if therby they are to remayne themselves deprived of 
thier honors or estates. 

^^5. That, if ther bee any intention finally to end this businesse 
by way of peace and allyance, it willbee requisite to oblige entirely 
the Prince Palatine in such sorte that not only hee may bee reduced 
to the obedience of the Emperour, but that hee may remayne much 
obliged for the favour that hee hath receaved from the House of 
Aiistria, and particulerly from the King of Spayne, and that hee 
may bee ther trew friend, herafter beeing tyed therunto by ther 
obligations, and the King of Great Brittaine will procure that this 
may bee so, and the Prince Palatine may show it presently with 

F 2 



** 6. That against the Duke of Bavaria ther is no oppositioa 
made on the King of Great Brittaines part, but that the Pope and 
the Emperour may give him the recompences and titles that they 
shallbee pleased, by way of an Electorate, Archdukedome, or title 
of King, if they will, so that they doe not give that which is not 
their owne, and that which belongeth to the sonn in law of the 
King his master. . 

** 7. That the opinion of the Earl of Bristol is that, since by 
way of allyance it is hoped that this businesse shallbee ended, it 
beeing presupposed that the Prince Palatine will reduce himselfe 
unto the acctnowledgraent of the grace and favour that hee 
receaveth from the House of Austria, and therby will allwayes bee 
tyed to remayne thankefull and obliged, the right way willbee not 
to leave any roote or braunch of discontent, but that his imperial 
Majestic will make his favour compleat, and that, with the allyances 
which are hoped will follow betwixt the King of Great Brittaine 
and the House of Austria, ther bee made an absolute forgettfull- 
nesse of all that is past, that friendshipp and confederation bee in 
such sorte setled betwixt them, that therby those goods and benefitts 
may bee attayned which are expected from this union/* 

A coppye of this paper the Earl of Bristol sent likewise unto his 
Majestic, and hee is pleased to take notice of it by his letters of the 
8th of October, writing as foUoweth : " Now wee must remember 
you that that wee ever undcrstoode and expected that uppon the 
marriadge of our sonne with the Infanta wee should have a cleere 
restitution of the Palatinate and Electoral dignitye to our sonne in 
la we, to bee really procured by that King according to the obliga- 
tion of our honor, as you have well exprest in your reasons why 
the person of our sonne in lawe should not bee left out of the 
treaty." And this letter is all written with Mr. Secretary Conwayes 
owne hande, and signed by his Majestic, so that it appearing by the 
Earl of Bristol's dispatches, by his memorialls in writing, by his 
Majesties owne accknowledgment, that the Earl of Bristol did men- 
tion and compriz the restitution of the Prince Palatine's person, and 




the accknowledgment that is required from the sayd Earl being 
directly contrary therunto, besides that it were to make him guilty 
of a most fouje cryme to have omitted one of the chiefe points of 
his instructions, the Earle referreth it to the Duke's own noblenesse 
how much infamy^ he should incurr, if for any earthly respect 
whatsoever hee should bee so base as to betray his owne innocencye 
by making any such accknowledgment. ^ 

Third Proposition. 

That when it was required that the breeding of the Prince Pala- 
tine's eldest sonn might bee with the Emperour^ the Earl of Bristol \/ 
gave advise and consent unto it, and the consideration of the change 
of his religion being propounded, the Earl of Bristol declared his 
opinion that without some such great thing the peace of Christen- 
dom could not bee had.^ 


The Earl of Bristol sayth'hee never gave any such advise nor 
consent that the Prince Palatine's sonn should bee bredd with the 
Emperour; but it is trew that, when the matche for the Prince 
Palatine's sonn with the Emperour's daughter was propounded as 

» " infancy " in MS. 

' That Bristol did not use these words with respect to the jonng Princess change 
of religion is shown, I think, bj a paper calendared by Mrs. Green (S. P. Dom. 
clxxx. 102) as '' Points on which the Earl of BristoPs proceedings were examined.*' 
In reality there is no evidence ^that Bristol was ever examined npon them at all. 
It consists of notes, drawn up by some one who had been in Spain, of Bristors 
conduct, and the language is snch as to leave no doubt in my mind that it proceeded 
from Buckingham himself. If this is the case, the following extract shows that 
Buckingham, at some time or other, gave an account of the conversation sub- 
stantially agreeing with that now given by Bristol, as he represented the conversion 
of the Prince not as having been mentioned by Bristol, but merely as a consequence 
drawn in his own mind from Bristol's language about the boy's education: — "That 
when they began to presse new conditions upon us, as the breedinge of the Eing*B 
grandchild in the Emperour's Courte, which imply ed a conversion, hee liked of 
it, and, when the Prince said he had rather breake the match then satisfye them 
in that pointe, he answered that, without some such greate matter, the busines would 
never be brought to passe." 


the best means to accommodate those great differences, and was so 
judged likewise by his Majestic, as hee conceaveth will appeare hy 
many severall orders and letters, hee did by way of debate and con- 
sultation of the businesse honestly and faythfuUy body those reasons 
which were alleaged by the Spanish ministers why the Emperour 
should expect to have the breeding of the Prince Palatine's sonn, 
vidlt. that, although the Prince Palatine should then have bene at 
the height of his fortunes, yet they sayd it could bee no disparage- 
ment to his sonn to match with the Emperour's daughter, but now 
the Prince Palatine, having justly offended the Emperour, and being 
under the Imperial bann and devested of his estates and honors, the 
which the Emperour was, out of his grace, to restore, they thought 
it would appeare reasonable to all the world that the Emperour 
should seeke to secure himselfe for the future of the Prince Pala- 
tine's behaviour, especially wJien hee sought to doe it by so fayre 
and honorable a way as not by barely craving the Prince Pala- 
tine's sonn as an hostage, as hath bene usuall in like cases, but by 
making of him his sonn in law and marrying of him to his daughter. 
These reasons the Earl of Bristol sayth, and divers others he con- 
ceaveth, hee hath represented unt6 the King and Prince ; but that 
hee ever gave any consent as that, by any act or article, hee hath 
any way obliged his Majestic that the Prince Palatine's sonn should 
bee bredd with the Emperour, hee is assured it cann never bee 
made appeare ; but hee sayth that in case, uppon the above specified 
reasons, hee should have delivered his humble opinion and advise 
unto the King and Prince, according to the best of his understand- 
ing, hee conceaveth hee had comitted no fault at all, although hee 
had erred in judgment, but had honestly performed the dewty of a 
councellor, according to the oath hee had taken, who are ever tyed 
to fidelitye, but are not allwayes exempt from errour. 

And wheras it is sayde that, when the consideration of the change 
of religion was propounded, the Earl of Bristol declared his opinion 
that without some such great thing the peace of Christendome could 
not bee had, the Earl of Bristol sayth that ther was never any such 



tiling propounded to him, neither did he ever declare any sucb. 
opinion, for if any such proposition should have bene made hee 
should have rejected it with indignation ; but hee ever tolde the 
Conde de Olivares that^ in case his Majestic should condiscend that the 
Prince Palatine's sonn should bee bredd with the Emperour, it was 
with presupposition that hee should have a familye and such pre- 
ceptors for his education as his father and his Majestic should appointe. 
It is trew that in the debate of this matche and the present estate 
of the affayres of Christendome, both tojhis Majestic and die Prince hee 
hath written and sayd that it was not to bee thought that the 
peace of Christendome could bee restored, and they attayne so many 
advantages, but that Uiey must likewise on ther part condiscend 
to some thinges of hard digestion, for that so great differences could 
never be accomodated but by a reciprocall yeilding of both sides ; 
but this could never have any relation or bee understood of anything 
that concerned religion. 

And as for the inference that is made that the breeding of the 
Prince Palatine's sonn in the Emperor's Court should imply e his 
conversion, hee cannot but marvayle to see it further insisted uppon, 
having so fully answered it in his answer to the 2. interrogatorye, 
by which it appeareth that in the Emperour's Court all princes, 
although they are vassayles of the Empyre — some his prisoners, 
others his counsellors, and servants nere about his person — ^have the 
free use of ther religion; and it is not to bee supposed that the sonn 
of the Prince Palatine and grandchilde to the Kinge of Great 
Brittaine should bee matched and no care had to capitulate the 
free use of his religion, beeing ever graunted to the meanest princesse 
that is bestowed. Hee knoweth not what others might have done, 
but hee is certayne that, if the businesse had bene treated by him, 
hee would not have made so grosse an omission, but would have 
sufficiently secured that point, as hee ever made profession to the 
Conde de Olivares and the Spanish ministers, for which it is well 
knowne hee hath had many a byword, and they laboured to shunn 
and avoyde the treating therin with him. 





Fourth Proposition. 

When his Majestic had given a peremptory day for the return© 
of the Prince, the Earl did advise his stay untill the spring, and did 
endeavour to stay him, with more earnestnesse then became lum, not 
foreseeing the evill consequence, for which he is sorrye. 


First, the Earl of Bristol sayth that hee never heard that his 
Majestic had prescribed the Prince a peremptorye day for his re- 
u c^ 1/ tume, but hee well remembreth that, in the beginning of August, 
the Conde de Olivares sent very early- in the morning to desire to 
speake with him, and tolde him that, contrary to that which had 
bene few dayes before promised both unto the Infanta and the 
King, the Duke of Buckingham would needes now perswade the 
Prince presently to returne, although they understoode both from 
thier ambassadors in England that his Majestic would not bee dis- 
pleased with the Prince's stay, and that the Duke himselfe had 
shewed him a letter from the King all written with the King's owne 
hand, that intimated as much, in which the King wrote that if the 
Piince beeing inamournd would stay to attend his mistress, hee 
might; but that hee would have him with all convenient speede 
Tcturne unto him. Hee likewise sayde, that the Kinges owne letter 
to the Kinge of Spayn, bearing date the 21st of July 1623, 
although it pressed the Kinge to abreviate the tyme as much as 
might bee, yet it seemed no way [to] implye any commande unto 
the Prince for his present returne, and hee gave unto the Earl of 
Bristol a coppye of the sayd letter. The Conde was then pleased 
to attribute that suddaine resolution to some personall distastes 
which the Duke had taken some few dayes before. From the 
Conde de Olivares the Earl of Bristol came unto the Prince's 
lodginges, wher, way ting on his Highness, his Highness was pleased 
to make knowne imto him that hee had an intention to departe 




within few dayes. The Earl of Bristol then freely acquainted his 
Highness with all that had passed with the Gonde de Olivares, and 
asked of his Highness whether hee would give him leave, as his 
father's minister and his humble servant, to . debate the busiaesse 
with him, promising that' when hee should have spoken his opinion 
faythfuUy as a councellor, hee would as a servant dutifully apply 
himselfe and all his indeavours to advance whatsoever hee should 
understande to bee the Prince's pleasure. As for the arguments 
and reasons which the Earl of Bristol offered unto his Highness 
consideration in the debate of his stay, although they iare 4;oo long 
for this answer, yet the Earl of Bristol is most ready and willing to 
sett them downe fiiythfuUy, that his Majestic may judge whether 
therin hee spake not like a faythfull and zealous servant for the 
effecting of that hee understoode to bee by them both most desired. 
But when the Prince declared his resolution of going, the Earl of 
Bristol then instantly swore unto him that hee would from thence- 
forward contribute all his industrye and service for the advauncing 
of his journey; as hee honestly did, both by advising the best hee 
could uppon all occasions, and solliciting day lye to gett in a readi- 
nesse the Spanish preparations, and in fitting upp such presents as 
the Prince ^waa to give at his departure ; and lastly, by furnishing 
the Prince with monye to the som of fiftene thousand pownds 
uppon his owne creddit, and Jewells, and sixe thousand pownds 
afterward beeing charged uppon him from St. Andera, which by 
other meanes was not then to bee had, as Mr. Secretarie Gottington 
and Mr. Wiche cannot but bothe of them well remember. 

Fifth Proposition. 

And after the departure of the Prince, notwithstanding the 
Prince's signification of his pleasure to have the desposorioa sus- 
pended, and his Majesties direction to deferr them till Christmas, 
(the approbation comming of the dispensation,) the Earl of Bristol 
doth accknowledge that, out of the judgment hee made of the 
integrity of the Spanish ministers, hee passed over the arguments 

CAMD. soc. a 


hee might have used more filightly then was requesite, and accepted 
that approbation with a more speedye day appoynted for the per- 
formance of them then the present conjuncture of the affayres 
required; which though hee did uppon good intention, yet now 
seeing the evill consequence that might have depended on it, hee is 
sorrye for it. 


The Earl of Bristol sa3rth that, the day of the Prince's departure 
from the Escuriall, the Prince delivered unto him, in the presence 
of the Commissioners of both sides, his powers, with publike decla- 
ration (which was taken in writing by the Secretarie Ciri9a) of his 
pleasure, and how hee should use them, vidtt: that hee should 
deliver them unto the King of Spayne uppon the comming of the 
dispensation cleared from Rome, according to that which had bene 
agreed, which was to be within ten dayes after the comming of the 
sayde dispensation. It is trew that his Highness, by his letters 
without date, but sent by Mr. Clarke, commanded the sayde Earl 
that hee should not deliver his powers imtill such tyme as hee should 
have receaved security that the Infanta, after her being bctroathed, 
should not enter into any religious order, and that, before he pro- 
ceeded, hee should send such securitye as should bee offered unto 
the Prince, that hee might judge whether it were sufficient or not ; 
which letters the Earl of Bristol exactly obeyed, and wrote unto 
the Prince that hee might bee sure hee would not proceede untill 
hee should have his further order; and theruppon did accordingly 
send unto the King and Prince such reasons and assurances as were 
offered unto him for securing of that pointe, which gave unto his 
Majestic and the Prince such satisfaction, as they were pleased to 
dispatch a post presently backe unto him absolutely discharging him 
of that commandement, as will appeare by his Majesties letters of 
the 8 th of October, in which he writeth : ** Wee have receaved 
your letters brought by Gresley and the coppye of yours to our 
deere sonn, and wee cannot forbeare to lett you know how well wee 


esteeme your dutifull, discreetc, and juditious relation and humble 
advise to our selfe and our sonn ; wheruppon having ripely delibe- 
rated with our fidfe, and communicated with our deere sonn, wee 
have resolved with the liking of our sonn to rest uppon that securitye 
in pointe of doubt of the Infanta's taking a religious order which 
your judgment shall thinke fitt," And the Prince, in letters of the 
like date, as foUoweth : — ** Your letters to the King and mee con- 
cerning that doubt I made, after I came from St. Loren90, hath so 
satisfyed us both^ that wee thinke it fitt no longer to sticke uppon 
it, but leave it to your discretion to take such securitye as you shall 
thinke sufficient." 

Now the Earl of Bristol beeing set free, and discharged both by 
the King and Piince of the commando brought by Mr. Clarke, it 
cannot bee doubted but hee remayned under the order which the 
Prince had left with him at his departure, which was to have pro- 
ceeded according to the capitulations, and the Prince's declaration 
when hee delivered his powers to the Earl of Bristol; which was 
that hee intended to have done, untill, by his Highness letters of the 
13th of November, hee was directly comanded the contrarye ; which 
commandment hee readily and punctually obeyed, so that the Earl 
of Bristol referreth it to any ifLdifferent judgment, whether ther bee 
any probabilitye that, having obeyed the Prince's commandment so 
exactly by Mr. Clarke untill hee was discharged of it, and after* 
Wards having so readilye obeyed the Prince's order of the 13th of 
November, all things beeing in a readinesse, and the marriage beeing 
to have bene within three dayes after, whether it bee probable that 
bee, that at the first and at the last so readily obeyed, would have 
disobeyed in the midle if hee had any commandement to restraine 
him ; but the trewth is, hee )iad none but incouragements rather to 
doe as hee intended, for hee could not imagine that his Majestic or 
his Highness would have sett him free of the restraynts layed uppon 
him by Mr. Clarke, if theire intention had not bene that hee should 
have proceeded ; besydes, his Highness was pleased at the same 
tyme to write to the Earl of Bristol both that hee much desired the 

G 2 



marriadge^ and that hee assureth hiin ther was no intention to 
treake it. 

As for his Majesties direction to have the desposorios deferred till 
Christmas, hee marvayleth to see it insisted still uppon, having 
answered it so fully in the 18th article of his interrogatoryes. But 
breefely, the Earl of Bristol sayth that his Majesties directions to 
proceede to the 'marriage were possitive, but for the tyme " his 
Majestic only intimateth a desire it should bee at Christmas, if it 
might well bee ; but that was impossible for divers respects, both 
that the King of Spayne would not condiscend to the proroguing of 
thjB desposorioSy and likewise for that the powers were expired before, 
which not beeing made knowne unto the Kinge, was the cause of 
his Majesties writing in that sorte, which otherwise hee would not 
have done, as hee is pleased to say in his letters of the 13th of 
November, 1623, which hee writeth : — " Wee have read your letters, 
of the 8th of October, and the coppye of that power which was left 
by our deere sonn : wee have examined and approved your reasons, 
and doe assure you that, if wee had scene the power left by our sonn 
befor[e] our last letters, wee had not written to you in the forme 
wee had in ours of the 9th of October touching the tyme of Christmas.*' 

Further, the Earl of Bristol sayth 'that this article, which is so 
much pressed, is not of any fault committed, but only of an inten- 
tion of doing that for which hee had had suiBicient warrant. But, 
if ther had bene errour in the intention, yet the fiiult had bene pre- 
vented by his obedience before the intention were reduced into act, 
for so it is in cases towards God himselfe. But the trewth is ther 
was no fault in this intention, but the Earl of Bristol could neyther 
with discretion, honestye, nor safetye, have proceeded otherwise 
then hee intended, unlesse hee had receaved the King and Prince's 
direct and cleare order not to proceede to the desposorios^ which as 
soone as hee receaved was readily and exactly obeyed. 

As for the integritye of the Spanish ministers, hee doth inge* 
niously confesse that hee verily beloved at the tyme when the day 
for the marriadge was agreed they intended really on the part of 

• • 


Spajne to haye performed all that was capitulated, and^ if ^ce 
the contrary cometh to bee certeinly knowne, wherof hee is 
ignorant, hee confesseth hee was therin deceaved. 

As for the evill consequences ,which are pretended would haye 
followed if hee had proceeded^ hee must confesse hee understood 
the cleare contrary : for hee supposed that the King should have 
speedily scene the marriadge, which hee had so long sought, 
effected, that the Prince should have had a worthye ladie whom hee 

loved, that the portion should have t>ene three tymes as much as J 

was ever given in monye in Christendome, that the King of Spayne i 

had engaged himselfe for the restitution of the Palatinate, for 
which the Earl of Bristol conceaved a daughter of Spayne and 2 
millions had bene no ill pawne, besydes divers other additions of 
advantages to the Crowne, all which, if it had not beene obteined, 
yet three moneths longer patience would after so many yeares have 
discovered the trewth of all thinges, for the first day of March was ^ \/ 

appoynted for the journey, wheras on the contrary side hee foresaw 
the Prince would bee kept a yeare at the least longer unmarryed, a 
thing that so highly concerned these kingdomes, hee doubted that 
the recovery of the Palatinate from the Emperor and Duke of 
Bavaria by force would prove of great difficultye, and that Christen- 
dome was like to &11 into a generall combustion ;'80 that, desiring 
on the one side that his master should have obteyned his ends, and 
on the other that his Majestic might have had the honor and happi- 
nesse not only to have given peace, plenty, and increase to his owne 
subjects and crownes, but to have compounded the greate 
differences that had bene these many yeares in Christendome, and 
by his pyety and wisdom to have prevented the shedding of so 
much Christian blood, as hee feared would ensue if those businesses 
were disordered, these reasons, hee confesseth, and his zeale unto 
his Majesties service, made him so earnestly des^i^ the effecting of 
this businesse ; and the Earl of Bristol confesseth hee cannot but 
thinke himselfe a most unfortunate man that, seeing his Majesties 
affayres so neere the beeing setled to his Majesties content as hee 


conceaved, and hoping to haye bene unto his master not only a 
faythfuU but a successful! servante, to see the whole state of afl&yres 
turned upsjde downe without any the least fault of his, and yet 
that he should be the onely minister eyther on the English or 
Spanish side that remayneth under disgrace. 

And having made unto these propositions this cleere and trew 
answer, the Earl of Bristol is confident that the Duke of Buckhing- 
ham, seeing his innocencye, will, according to that which hee had 
promised in his paper, uppon the accknowledgment of these sup- 
posed errours, doe it now more willinglye uppon the seeing of 
them cleered, vid*, imploye his power and force with the King and 
Prince to admitt the Earl to kisse thier handes and to receave him 
to their gratious &vour, which if the Duke shallbee pleased to doe, 
the Earl will receave it for so high an obligation as hee will fayth- 
fully indeavour to deserve it by his best services. 


Abbot, Oeoi^ge, Archbishop of Canterbury, extract 

from hU letter, 3 
ABton, Sir W., ambassador in Spaio, 16 ; receives 

aflsuranoes from Philip, 17 

Bocaceio, Oassar, in charge of a seminary at 
Madrid, 8 

Bristol, Earl of, negotiates a marriage for Prince 
Henry, 1, 5 ; and for Prince Charles, 2 ; 
breaks np a seminary at Madrid, 8 ;' procures 
copies of Spanish papers, 4 ; has Scioppius 
beaten, 5 ; recefves fresh overtures from Lerma, 
6 ; is kept in the dark about the negotiations, 
7 ; advises the formation of a commiesion on 
Spanish affurs, 9; is sent back to Spain, 10 ; 
on his return receives the King^s approval, 1 ; 
writes to the Prince, 11 : is accused of defraud- 
ing the Prince, 12; advises the addition of 
fr^h members to the commission, 14 ; returns 
to Madrid in 1622, 17 ; urges the hastening 
of the conclusion 'of the treaty, 17 ; his pro- 
positions, 19 ; writes to the King and Prince, 
22 ; objects to the Pope^s demands, 24 ; in- 
forms the King and Prince of the state of the 
business in Dec. 1622, 26 ; defends himself 
against the charge of having lest time, 81; 
explains his conduct about the Palatinate, 87; 
and about the Prince Palatine's son, 45 ; gives 
an account of his advice to the Prince of 
Wales About his remaining in Spain, 48 ; 
gives the reasons which induced him to go on 
with the marriage, 50; returns to England, 
iii ; writes to Cottington on his position, iv ; 
is ordered into confinement, v ; desires to be 
tried, vii ; begs for the Prince's favour, viii ; 
commissioners appointed to examine him, x ; 
is allowed to visit his mother, xi ; answers the 
twenty interrogatories, xii; hears of further 
quMtions, xiii ; is allowed to go to Sherborne, 
xiii; refuses to acknowledge himself guilty, xiv; 
petitions the King, xv ; asks to go to Bristol, 

xvi ; asks for restoration to liberty, xviii ; is 
allowed to go to London, xix, xxiv ; sends 
his answers to Buckingham^ propositions, 
xxii ; makes overtures to Charles I. xxv ; is 
ordered to absent himself from the Parliament 
of 1625, xxviii; asks to be present at the 
coronation, xxix ; declares that he has never 
plotted with Parliament men, xxxi ; his cor- 
respondence on the fresh charges brought 
against him, xxxi. 
Buckingham, Duke of, vrishes to send Bristol to 
the Tower, v; sends Clerke to Bristol, xiv, 
zxzv ; sends proposals to Bristol that he shall 
acknowledge the truth of five propositions, xix ; 
opposes Bristors restoration to liberty, xxiv ; 
writes to Bristol about his absence from Par- 
liament, xxv. 

Charles I. accepts Bristors overtures, xxv ; tells 
Sir K. Digby that he is well disposed towards 
him, but wishes for a private acknowledgment 
of error, xxvi ; orders Bristol to stay away 
from the Parliament of 1625, xxviii; brings 
fr^sh charges against Bristol, xxx. 

Charles, Prince of Wales, negotiation for his 
marriage opened,' 2 ; renewal, 7 ; expresses 
satisfaction with Bristol, 28; advises Bristol 
to retire to the country, viii ; begs Bucking- 
ham to assist him, x ; listens to Bristol's over- 
tures, xxi ; see Charles I. 

Clerke, Edward, his message to Bristol, xiv, 


Conway, Lord, corresponds with Brjstol on the 
charges brought against him, xxxiii. 

Conway, Sir E., writes to Bristol to confine him- 
self to his house, v; sends permission to Bristol 
to go to Sherborne, xiii ; begs him to make 
submission, xiv, see Conway, Lord 

Commission on Spanish afiairs formed, 9 ; firesh 
members added to it, 15 

Cottington, Sir F., employment of in Spain, 6 ; 
proposes to Bristol to arrange matters, xiv 



Coventry, Sir T., orders Bristol not to come to 

Parliament, xxxv 
Creewell, Father, sent away from the Spanish 

Court, 3 

Digby, Sir John, see Bristol, Earl of 

I^jgby, Sir Kenelm, employed as a negotiator 

between Bristol and Buckingham, xz, xxii ; 

gives an account of his interview with Charles I. 


Fentonf Yisconnt, tee Kelly, Earl of 

Gondomar, Count of, urges a resumption of the 
marriage treaty, ; desires that Bristol may 
be passed over, 7 ; is dissatisfied with Bristol, 
IS ; finally avows his satisfaction, 14 ; gives 
assurances of the King of Spain*s sincerity, 15 ; 
returns to Madrid, 19 ; is angry with Bristol, 

Henry, Prince of Wales, treaty for the marriage 
of, 1,6; his death, 6 

Idiaquez, Juan de, fitvours the marriage treaty, 6 

James I. approves of BristoPs proceedings in 
Spain, 3; signs BristoPs letters to Lerma, 9; 

expresses his satisfaction with his conduct, 10 ; 
informs Bristol how far he will go in point of 
religion, 23; is favourable to Bristol, vi; is 
satisfied with his answers, xii; begs him to 
write a fair letter to Buckingham, xiii ; permits 
Bristol to come to London, zxiv 

Kelly, Earl of, his conversation with Bristol, 8 

Ltfuente, Diego de, sent to Rome, 1 5. 
Lerma, Duke of, offers to resume the marriage 
treaty, 6 

Montague, James, Bishop of Winchester, extract 
from his letter, 3 

Padre Maestro, tee Laftiente, Diego de 
Philip IIL King of Spain, his reception of a 
proposal for his daughter's marriage, 2 ; his 
death, 16 
Philip IV. King of Spain, assures Aston of his 
sincerity, 17 ; his answers to Bristol's proposi- 
tions, 20, 25 ; gives Bristol a ring at his de- 
parture, iii 

Scioppius beaten by Bristol's orders, 5 
Spain, King of, tee Philip IIL and PhUip IV. 

$ • » 




FKOM DEC. 1570 TO APRIL 1583. 








> ^ 

The following Journal of Sir Francis Walsingham is extracted 
from a manuscript in the possession of Colonel Carew, of Crow- 
combe Court, of the discovery of which, with other papers, an 
account was given by the late Mr. Bruce, in his preface to Sir John 
Borough's notes of the Treaty of Ripon, edited by him for the 
Camden Society in 1869. 

The diary consists of notices of Walsingham's movements, and 
occasionally of other events of interest, with memoranda for each 
day of all letters sent and received. In order to save space, these 
memoranda have been omitted, and a list of all the letters sent 
and received has been placed at the end. 

Although aU the entries are in the first person, the manuscript ia 
not in Walsingham's own hand, but in that of his secretary. The 
Diary commences with December 1570, when Walsingham, who 
had been already sent during the summer as ambassador to France, 
to assist in negotiating an accord between Charles IX. and the 
Huguenot party, was again dispatched thither as resident in place 
of Sir Henry Norris, with general instructions to preserve amity 
between the two realms, and to assist the Huguenot party, and also— 
though this was not expressed in his first instructions — to prepare 
the way for the marriage of the Queen with the Duke of Anjou. 

The last date is April 1 583, but there are four breaks in the entries. 
The first is from Jan. 157^ to Dec. 1573, on the 2l8t of which 




month Walsinghara was sworn secretary; the second is the omission 
of May 1575; there is a third break from June 1578 to March 
1580; and a fourth for the month of August and part of September 
1581, when Walsingham was again sent on an embassy to France, 
the chief object of which was to break off the negotiations for the 
marriage of the Queen with the younger brother of her former 

The instructions for these two embassies, and a large portion of 
Walsingham's correspondence, are printed in Digges's Compleat Am- 
bcussador. The name of the bridge on which the bull against 
Queen Elizabeth was set up, mentioned at p. 5, should have been 
supplied as St. Estienne, but was unfortunately overlooked until 
too late for insertion. 

It has not been thought necessary to index the list of names of 
senders and receivers of letters. 


FEOM DEC. 1570 TO APRIL 1683. 

D£CEMBRE. Anno 1570. 

Sunday 3. That the Queen of Scotes shoulde be verie sycke. 
Mondaye 4. The Bishop of Rose with D. Astloe and Dr, Good 

went to Tutberie. The Counsaylle sat at Mr. Secretaries. 

The Cardinall Chastillon departed towards Canterburie. 
Wensdaye 6. Lettres from Venize that Nicosia was taken by myne 

of the Turkes, that the Pope was greatly appalled at the losse 

therof, and that the armye of the Pope, the Spaniarde, and the 

Venetians havinge loste a greate numbre of men by sundrye 

diseases, retourned without doing any worthie or notable 


Poste from Andwarpe, that the steaple of St. Greorges in 

Andwarpe was burned by lighteninge the xxixth of No- 

Thursday e 14. I wente to the Courte, 
Saturdaye 16. I spake with the Queenes Majestie. 
Mundaye 18. The Ambassadoure of Fraunce dyned with me. 
Tuesdaye 19. I went to the Courte to speake with Sir William 

Cicill aboute my dispatche. Lettres sente to Sir H. Norreys 

by his Sonne. 
Wensdaye 20. Certeine newes com oute of Spayne, that the King 

of Spaine hath receaved an overthrowe at the Mores handes^ 

and that his arme is retired partely for lacke of victualls, and 

CAMD. 80C. B 


partely for that the Mores fare excede the Spaniardes in 

Thursdaye 21. I receaved newes out of Fraunce. 
Fridaye 22. I sente my trayne over before to BuUen. 
Satturday 23. I received ray instructions from the Courte by Mr. 

Secretaries ordre. Lettres from Ferrara bearing date the 

xvj*** of Novembre, of a terrible earthquacke that shoulde be 

there, at Mantua, and in some parte of Komaignia. 
Sundaye 24, I wente unto the Courte, and had conference with my 

Lord of Lecestre and Mr. Secretarie about a matter of greate 

Mundaye 25. I had conference with the judge of thadmiraltie, 

touchinge certeine marchauntes matters. 
Wensdaye 27. Poste out of Scotlande, that the Lord Morton 

shoulde cum commissioner from the King to the Queenes 

Fridaye 29. I myself came from London to Gravesende by barge, 

and from thence to bedd, to Citingbourne in poste. 
Saturdaye 30. I came to Canterburie, wheare I had conference 

with the Cardinal Chastillon, and from thence to bedd to 


Januarie. Anno 1571. 

Mundaye 1. I went from Dover, and so to BuUen. I arrived 
aboute ij or thre of the clocke in the afternone. 

The Governour, forasmuch as he hiraselfe was sycklie of 
the goute, sent his sonne in lawe, Mounsieur de Bournouzel, a 
Knight of the Ordre, Capetanye Mouns, and divers other to 
salute me. 

Tewsdaie 2. The governour himself came, accompanied with 
divers gentlemen, to viset me. 

Thursday 4. I departed from BuUen, and came aboute ij or thre 
of the clocke in the afternone to Muttrell, wheare the Gover- 

£*ROM DEC. 1570 TO APRIL 1583. 3 

nour, called Monsieur de Mally, came to my lodginge to vidt 

me, accompanied with Capetayne Mouns and certein other 

Satturday 6. I departed from Muttrelle, and so arrived to Abbe- 
ville, about iij of the clocke in the afternone. 
Monday 8. I departed from Abbeville, and came to bed to 

Twesday 9. I departed from Piquenel, and came to bed to 

Wednesday 10. I departed from Amiens, and came to bed to 

Thursday 11. I departed from Berthoil, and came to bed tp 

Friday 12. I departed from Cleremont to Luyfort 
Satturday 13. I departed from Luyfart to St. Denis. Lettres 

sent to Sir Henry Norreis, to advertise him of my cumraing to 

St. Denis^ as also that I minde to be at Paris uppon Monday 

Tuesday 16, I departed from St. Denis, and by the waye I me;t 

with Sir Henry Norreys and certein other gentlemen that 

dwell in Paris, and came to Paris aboute iij of the clocke in 

the afternone. 
Thursdaye 18. Mr. Lanquet, ambassadour for the Duke of Saxonie, 

came to visit me. 
Sonday 21. Mr. Briquemault came to visite me. 
Twesday 23. Mr. do Briquemault came to visit me. 
Thursday 25. I wente to the Courte, and had audience at the 

Kinges hand, his mother, and his bretheren. 
Friday 26. TaflS, servant to the Prince of Orenge, came to 

visit me. 
Saturday 27. Castrutzi, the ambassadour for Luc, came to viset 

Sunday 28. The Venetian ambassadour came to salute me. Sir 

Henry Norreies dyned with me. 


Monday 29. The ScottisK ambassadour came to viset me. 
Twesday 30. I sent to the Court to knowe the certentie of the 

Kinges entrie. 
Wednesday 31. Mr. Hollingshed came unto me with a lettre from 

my Lorde of Buckhurste. 

Februabie. Anno 1571. 

Thursdaye 1. I sent Mr. Beale to the Gourte then being at 

Sonday 4. Monsieur de Gundi came to Tiset roe. 
Twesday 6. I had accesse to the King and to Queen Mother, at 

St. Germine. 
Wednesday 7. Monsieur de Briquemalt came to viset me. 
Thursday 8. The Vidame came to speake with me. 
Sunday II. I dyned with the Vidame. 
Monday 12. I conducted Sir Henry Norreys on his waye home- 

Twesday 13. The ambassadour of Florence came to viset me. 
Wednesday 14. I wente to Madrille and there had audience at the 

King's handes aboute certeine merchantes causes, and there 

presented to the King the Earl of Butlande. 
Friday 16. Monsieur Gundi came unto me. 
Sundaye 18. I went to St. Dennis to see my Lord of Buckhurste. 
Mondaye 19. The Lord Seaton came to me. 
Twesdaye 20. I wente to St. Dennies to meet my Lord of Buck- 
hurste to conduite him to Paris, and in the midwaye I met 

with the Marques of Trant and of Salus, who weare appoynted 

by the Kinge to do the like. 
Thursday 22. I went to taulke with the Spanish ambassadour. 

The Vidame came to speake with me. 
Fridaye 23. I wente with my Lord of Buckhurste to the Courte. 
Sondaye 25. Mr. Dougles came to speake with me. Mr. de 

Boumouzel came to speake with me. 

FROM DEC. 1570 TO APRIL 1583. 5 

Monday 26. My Lord of Buckhurste with the reste of his gentle- 
men came to viset me. 

Twesday 27. I wente to djmner to my Lorde of Buckhurste, and 
by the waye I met with the Vidame. I sent a memorialle to 
Seigneur Gundi by him to be presented to the King. 

Wensday 28. I went to my Lord of Buckhurstes. Monsieur de 
Briquemault came to viset me. 

Marche. Anno 1571. 

Thursdaye 1. I went to Monsieur de Foix, and taulked with him 

aboute Mr. Benigfeildes matter. 
Friday 2. I went with my Lorde of Buckhurste to the Courte of 

Eety howse in the faubourge of* wheare the 

King laye. 

I toke my leave then of the Kinge, his bretheren, Queene 

Mother, and the newe Queene. 

A buUe set up ageinste the Queen my mystres au- pont 

de * was brought up by Mr. Dannett. 

Saturday 3. My Lord of Buckhurst came to supp and lye in my 

Sunday 4. My Lord of Buckhurste and I dyned at the Duke of 

Nevers' howse. 
Twesdaye 6. The King made his en trie into Paris accompanied 

with Monsieur Duke Alenzon, the Duke of Lorrayne, and 

divers others of the nobilitie and gentlemen, the Lordes of 

Towne, the Lordes of Parliament, and alle sortes of handy- 

craftes men. 
Sundaye 11. I wente to speake with Count Olivares, an ambassa- 

dour sent from the Kinge of Spayne to congratulate the 

Einges mariage here. 
Wednesdaye 14. My Lorde of Buckhurste departed hence with 

alle his trayne. 

• Blank in MS. 


Thursdaye 15. I wente to speake with the Vidame. 

Fridaye 16. Foure pasportes made for iiij Scottish men, James 

Bogg, George Swinton, Alexander Sutton, Duncan Balford. 
Sundaye 18. I wente to Cleremount to meet my wife. 
Mundaye 19. My wife came to Paris aboute ij of the clocke in 

the afternone. 
Twesday 20. I came from Clearemount. 

Five pasports made for Mr. James Clark, Walter Heriot 

the elder, Walter Heriot the yonger, James Heriot, and James 

Fridaye 23. I sent a lettre to Roan to Thomas Bricknar. 

I sent my secretarie to Monsr. de Foix and Monsr. de 

Marmillees, to require redres of certein marchants causes. 
Satturday 24. A lettre from the Earle of Bedforde by Rowlande 

the Poste. 
Sonday 25. The Queen crowned at St. Dennies. 

The Archbishop of Cassels came to speake with me. 
The Ambassadour of Florence came to viset me. 
Mondaye 26. Madame Calliac, the governoures wife of BuUain, 

came to viset me. 

My Lordc Sea ton came to speake with me. 
Wednesday 28. Madame Caliac dyned with me. 
Thursday 29. The Queen made her en trie into Paris. 
Saturday 31. I went to the Palais, and there had audience at 

Queen Mother's handes. 

April. Anno 1571. 

Twesday 3. The Count Olivares and the Spanish ambassador 

came to viset me. 

Madam de Mony came to viset me. 
Thursday 5. Mr. Blont departed from hence, and Mr. Beale into 

Friday 6. Mr. Cobham went towardes Spayne. 

FROM DEC. 1570 TO APRIL 1583, 7 

Saturday 7. Monsr. de Foix secretary came to taulke with me. 

Sunday 8. I went to speake with the Vidame. 

Monday 9. I went to the Courte to taulke with the Queen, and 

there presented to the Queen a supplication for Sir Thomas 

Cotton, an other for Eoger Haukin, an other for Ric. Thomas. 
Thursday 12. I wente to Bois du Vincent with the Earl of Eut- 

Sonday 15. The Archbishop of Cassels came to speake with me in 

the forenone. 
Twesday 17. The Archbishop of Cassels came to speake with me 

in the fornone, and the Scottesh Ambassador in the afternone. 
Thursday 19. The Vidame came to speake with me. 
Friday 20. The Archbishop of Cassells came to speake with me. 
Satturday 21. My wife wente to the Courte, being entertained by 

the Queen Mother, the yonge Queen, the Duchese of Lorrayne, 

the Lady Margeret, Monsieur, and dyvers others. 
Twesday 24. I went to speake with Monsieur de Foix. 
Wednesday 25. The Vidame came to speake with me. 
Thursday 26. The Vidame came to speake with me. 
Friday 27. I went to St. Clou, wheare I had audience of Queen 


The Vidame came to speake with me. 
Saturday 28. The Vidame dyned with me. 

May. Anno 1571. 

Twesday 1. The Marques of Tranes dyned with me. 
Wednesday 2. A pastporte graunted to one Guion Harry, other- 
wise called du Chene of Brittayne. 
Friday 4. Monsr. Raning dyned with me. 
Thursday 10. The Ambassadour of Scotland came to viset me. 
Friday 11. The Vidame came to speake with me. 
Saturday 12. The Vidame came to speake with me. 
Friday 18. I went from Paris to Poissy to bed. 


Saturday 19. I dyned at Mauntes, and went to Vemon to bed. 
Monday 21. I went to Galiion, and there had audience of Queea 

Mother and Monsieur. 

I dyned with the Cardinall of Bourbon. 
Twesday 22. I went againe to Gallion from Vernon, and had 

audience of the King. 

I dyned with Monsr. de Foix. 
Wednesday 23. A passeporte graunted to William Cammelle. 
Thursday 24. I went from Vernon to Mauntes to diner and to 

Poissy to bed. 
Friday 25. I went from Poissy to Paris to dinner. 

A lettre receaved from the Counselle by a marchant. Two 

passeportes graunted to ij Scotes, Alexandre Acskin and 

John Drisdalle. 
Sonday 27. I went to taulke with the Spanish Ambassadour. 
Monday 28. I went to speake with Madame Garnavalet. 
Twesday 29. A passeporte graunted unto one Herrie de Conde, a 

servant of the Queen of Scotts. 
Wednesday 30. Madame de Mony came to viset me. 

A lettre sent to my Lord of Leicestre in her doughter's 


June. Anno 1571. 

Saterdaye 2. A passeport graunted to Barney Will Hanson, 
servant to Mr. Henrie Denye. I went from Paris to Gorbelle 
to bed. 

Sondaye 3. I went from Gorbelle to Prignye to receave the com- 
munion. I went from thence at dynner and came to bed to 

Mondaye 4. Lanquet dyned with me. 

Wednesdaye 6. Lettres sent to the Gourt to Mr. Gavalcant by 
Walter Williams upon the report of the Kinges hurte. 

Thursdaye 7. Mr. Lanquet and Mr. Lobetun dyned with me. 

FROM DEC. 1570 TO APRIL 1583, 9 

A passeport graunted to Florest Brossier, servaunt to the 

Queen of Scotes, and workeman in tapistrye. 
Frydaye 8. Jacomo came out of England with lettres. 
Monday 11. I went from Paris to Poissy to dyner, and taried ther 

all that night. 
Tewsday 12. I went from Poissy to Vernon by water, and laye 

ther that night. 

Harcot came out of England with lettres. 
Wednesday 13. I went from Vernon to Louviers to dynner. 
Frydaye 15. I went to the Court at Grallion and ther had audience 

at Queen Mother and the Kinges handes. 
Sonday 17, I sent my secretairie to the Court about certayne 

marchauntes causes. 

Lettres receaved out of Spaigne by Secretairie Pynart from 

Mr. Cobham. 
Monday e 18. I went late in the eveninge to the Court, and talked 

with the King and Queen Mother. 
Thursdaye 21. I sent my secretarie to the Court about certayne 

merchauntes causes. 
Saterday 23. The Ambassadour of Florence came to speake 

with me. 

A Scotishe gentleman came to speake with me. 
Sonday 24. I went to see a garden of Monsr. de Bordesire. 
Tewsday 26. I sent my secretarie to Paris with lettres to Mr. 

de Foix, Monsr. Lanquet, Monsr. de Changy, Captain Tomaso, 

Mr. Cobham. 
Saterday 30. I came from Loviers to Vernon to bed. 

July. Anno 1571. 

Sonday 1. I went from Vernon to Manstes to bed. 
Monday 2. I went froni Mantes to Poissy to bed. 
Tewsday 3. I went from Poissy to Paris to bed. 

Lettres receaved from Geneva from Mr. Portas, Mr. Cart- 



Wednesday 4* Lanquet dyned with me. 

Thursday 5. A passeport granted to Henrie Keyrc, Scotishman. 

Friday 6. I went from Paris to Meaux to bed. 

Satterday 7. I sent my secretairie to the Court at Monceaux. I 

went to visit the Venetian and Spaingnishe Ambaasadours. 
Monday 9. I receaved order from the King to go [to] Mellum. 
Tewsday 10. I went to the Court at Monceaux, and had audience 

at Queen Mother's hand. 
Wednesday 11. I sent Mr. Beale to Mr. de Foix. 
Thursday 12. I departed from Mieux, Sanniers to dynner, and 

from thence to Rosset to bed. 
Friday 13. I came to Mellun to bed. 
Monday 16. I receaved lettres from the King to go to Montreaul. 

I recommended the Englishe men^s cause at Marsellus to Mr. 

Friday 20. Monsr. Artus, the Prince of Naverrs secretarie, came 

to speake with me. 
Sonday 22. I went to St. Jermon to the sermon, beinge accompag- 

ned at dinner the same daye with Mr. Bataille, Mares Navires. 

Monday 23. Monsr. Briquemault came to visit me the mominge, 

and in the after noone Mr. de la Noiie and Mr. Thiligni. 
Tewsday 24. The Ambassadours of Tuscans secretarie came to 

visit me. 
Thursday 26. Mr. Cavalcant sent unto me by Queen Mother to 

staye my dispache. 
Saterday 28. Sent for to the Court the next daye. 
Sonday 29. I repaired to the Court, wher I conferred with the 

King, Queen Mother, and Monsieur. 

August. Anno 1571. 

Wednesday 2.* Monsr. de Foix in his jomey towardes England 

came to viset me. 
Thursday 3. Mr. Telighni came to visit me. 

^ Sicy instead of Aug. 1. The mistake is continued throughout until Dec. 23. 

FROM DBC. 1570 TO APRIL 1683. 1 1 

Satterday 5. I came to Paris from Mellun. 

Sonday 6. I conferred with Comte Ludo. 

Monday 7. I retourned to Mellun. 

Friday 11. I came with my ffamilie to Paris. 

Wednesday 16. Monsr. de Cavanes, Monsr. de Piles, came to 

se me. Madame de Subise and Madame de Noyon came to 

see me. 
Fryday 18. I went to visit Madame de Subize. Queen Mother 

went from Paris. 
Sonday 20. The cochier came unto me. 
Monday 21. The Scotishe Ambassadour came to visit me and 

Madame Scipion Sardigni. 
Wednesday 23. The Venetian Ambassadour came to visit me. 
Thursday 24. Cavanns came to viset me. 
Fryday 25. Madame de Noyon came to visit me. 

{A leaf 18 lost here. ) 

October. Anno 1571. 

Tewsday 3. My Lord of Rutland departed from Bloyes. 

Sonday 8. Harcot dispached into England. 

Monday 9. I accompaigned Monsr. de Lysie when he retomed 

Tewsday 10. Monsr. de Foix came and visited me. 
Fryday 13. I wrote a lettre in the behalfe of one Fuket, a 

merchant of Britany, unto my Lord Burghley. Madame 

d' Obinees had a pasport. 
Sonday 15. Mr. Cremer, gentille Alman, dyned with me. 
Wednesday 18. I had audience of the King, being sent for by 

hym. The King departed from Bloys. 
Thursday 19. The admirall departed towardes his house. Mr. 

Dannet came out of England. 
Fryday 20. Digbie dispached toward England. 
Satterday 21. Entertaynment of a new cochier. 


Sonday 22. The Comte Villiclere of the house of Martinmg^o 

came to visit me. 

The Ambassador of Tuscan came to visit me. Monsr. du 

Pine came to visit me. 
Monday 23« Monsr. Gavanes came and visited me. 
Tewsday 31. I departed from Bloyes towardes Paris, and loged 

that night at St. Lorraines. 

NovEMBRE. Anno 1571. 

Wednesday 1. I came to Orleans. 
Thursday 2. I came to Turie to bed. 
Fryday 3. I came to Estampes. 
Saterday 4. I came to Montherye to bed. 

Sonday 5. I came to Paris where I found Mr Killigrewe, by whom 
^ I receaved lettres from her Majestic, my Lord of Burghley, my 
> Lord of Leycestre, and divers other of my frendes. 
Monday 6. The Spanishe Ambassadour's secretairie came to 

viset me. 
Wednesday 8. Tow of my lord of Oxfordes men came out of 
England, Mr. Fant and Mr. Clapton, by whom I receaved 
lettres from my Lord of Burghley. 
Fryday 10. Mr. Killigrew went to the Court from Paris. 
Tewsday 14. Monsr. du Pine came to visit me. 
Wednesday 15. Monsr. Tuffin came to visit me. I began my 

Mr. Talbot came to visit me. 
Saterday 18. Madame Doure came to viset me. 
Tewsday 21. Captain Franchatto came to viset me. Monsr. 
7 Lopus and Martinius came to viset me. Monsr. Baynard came 
to viset me. 
Wednesday 22. Monsr. Tuffin came to viset me. 
Wednesday 29. Monsr. Baynard came to viset me. 

rEOM DEC. 1570 TO APRIL 1583. 13 

December. Anno 1571. 

Sonday 3. Madame de Noyon came to visit me. 
Monday 4. Monsr. du Pine came to visit me. 
Tewsday 5. Captain Tomaso came to viset me. 
Wendsday 6. Madame Cipion came to visit me. 
Saterday 9. Madame Chatillon came to viset me. 

A passeport made for Rye. Smythe and Rowland Michel. 
Fryday 15. Mr. Walday came to visit me. Mr. Tuffin came to 

visit me. 
Tewsday 19. Monsr. Ramus came to viset me. 
Thursday 21. The crosse in St. Denis streat was pulled downe at 

iij of the clocke in the night. 
Monday 24. Sir Thomas Smythe came to Paris. 
Tewsday 25. Monsr. du Pine came to viset me. Monsr. Ramus 

came to viset me. Mr. Cavalcant came out of England. 
A Scotishman servaunt to the first regient brought me 

lettres out of England. 
Thursday 27. John de Noble came to viset me. 

Januarie. Anno 1572. 

Monday 7. Monsr. Antoine, an Italien, came to visit me. 
Thursday 10. Water Williams atld Digbye came out of England. 
Saterday 12. Mr. Wood went from Mr. Killigrew into England 

with lettres to my Lord of Leycestre and other of my frendes. 
Monday 14. The Ambassadeurs man of Tuskan came to visit me. 
Tewsday 1 5. Water Williams went to the Court. 
Thursday 17. John de Rosse went into England. 

December. Anno 1573. 

Mondaye 21. I was swome secretarie. 

I had ordre from the counselle for the answering of the 
Deputies lettres. 


The Erie of Leycester and I had conference with the Lord 
Tresorer about the Aleman ajBTaires. 
Tuesdaie 22. I presented to my Lords of the Counsielle the lettres 

Keceived from her Majestie the King and Queene Mother's 

Recey ved certain lettres of her Majestie in commendacion o£ 
a certain Aleman. 

Reyceyved certain lettres directed unto her Majestie fix3in 

Receyved lettres from the Justices of Norfolke delivered 
unto the clerkes of the counseil. 

Receved a bill of therle of Leycestre to be signed for a gifte 
of a benifice to Rowles. 

Received order at the request of therle of Leycester to her 
Majestie to make a protection for A. B. 

I gave order to the clarkes of the Signet to have the lettres 
for the provision of lerland engrossed. 

I repaired with the Count Palatin's man to the Lorde 
Wednesday 23. I received lettres from the Lord President of 
Yorke directed unto her Majestie and to the Lords of the 

I dealte with her Majestie about the lerishe aflFaires. 
Thursdaie 24. My Lords of the counselle met. 

The Frenche Ambassadeur had audience. I was appointed 
by her Majestie to geve him a note of Mr. Warcopps sute. 
Fridaie 25. Mr. Recorder sent from the Lords of the Counseill to 

speake with me. 
Saterdaie 26. I was sent by my Lordes of the Counsaylle unto her 

I was sent by her Majestie unto the Lord Tresorer. I re- 
ceyved a memoriall from the Frenche Ambassadour to move 
her Majestie to sonde one unto the Queene of Scottes. I re- 


FROM DEC. 1570 TO APRIL 1583. 15 

ceyved a lettre from Monsieur Generall directed unto her 

Majestie. I presented unto my Lords of the Counseil lettres 

sent from Sir John Foster and from the Bishop of Ely. 
Sondaye 27. I gave order for instructions and lettres to be made 

for Capten Sute for the disposing of ij*= men arryved at Lastall. 
Mondaye 28. I dispatched Mr. Shute to Lestall in Sufiblke. 

Ireceyved from the master of the requestes, by her Majesties 

order, certain billes to be consydered of by my Lords of the 

Tuesdaye 29. I receyved a lettre from Mr. Shute by post touching 

the men arrived at Lastall. I procured at her Majesties handes 

the dispatche of the Count Palatin's man. 
Wednesdaie 30. I received a packet of lettres directed unto her 

Majestie from Flusshing. 

I preferred divers requestes in counselle. 
Thursdaie 31. I wrote to my Lord Cobham by her Majesties 

commaundment for the convoye of the Bishop of Ros. My 

Lords of the Counseil referred over the Danswicke causes 

untill the second of Januarie. I presented the govemers of 

Flusshinges lettre unto her Majestie. 

Januarie. Anno 1574®. Kegni Elizabethae Keginae 16®. 

Saterdaie 2. My Lordes sat in counselle. 

I dispatched the Count Mongomeris man with lettres to 

the Capten of Garnesey. 
Mondaye 4. I was sent by her Majestie to the Lord Tresorer to 

conferre with him. 

I procured divers thinges to be signed by her Majestie. 
Tuesdaie 5. I tooke order for the lodging of the Baron de 

Obigni. The Lords of the Counseil sat in the aflemone about 

the Irishe matters. 
Wednesdaie 6. The Counseil sat. 
Thursdaie 7. The Counseil was held for the supplie of lerland. 


Fridaie 8. The counsell sat about the Irishe affaires. 

Saterdaie 9. The counsell assembled. The Frenche Ambassadeur 

had audience. I procured a warrant to be signed of 600 li. 

for a supplie to be sent into lerland. 
Sondaie 10. The counsell sat about the Irishe affaires. 
Mondaie 11. I procured her Majestic to signe a warrant of 80OO li. 

for lerland. 
Tewsdaie 12. The Queenes Majestic removed to Hampton Court 

from Whight Halle. 

I advertised Mr. Secretarie of tharrivall of Monsieur 

Thursdaie 14. I came to Hampton Court. 
Fridaie 15. The counselle assembled. 
Saterdaie 16. I moved her Majestie for lettres to Queene Mother 

for the Vidame. 
Sondaie 17. The Baron d'Aubigny had audience. I procured 

her Majestie to sygne the deputies lettres of lerland. I re- 

ceyved certain lettres intercepted by the Maior of Dover, 

which I retomed agayne. 
Mondaie 18. I procured Waterfisshes bille to be signed for Copper. 

I procured a lettre for the Vidame. 
Tuesdaie 19. The Frenche Ambassadeur had audience. 
Wednesdaie 20. The Baron d'Aubigni tooke his leave. The 

counsell sat. 
Thursdaie 21. I procured the signing and dispatche of the Baron 

d*Aubignie*s lettres. 
Fridaie 23. Her Majestie signed the Erie of Essex warrant for 

supplie of money and victailes as also for the levying of 400 

Sondaie 24. The counsell sat. 
Tuesdaie 26. The counselle sat. 
Wednesdaie 27. The counsell sat. The Frenche Ambassadeur 

had audience. 
Thursdaie 28. I wroat to the Count Montgomerie for his retire 



FROM DBC. 1570 TO APRIL 1583. 17 

out of Garnesey. The counsell sat about Sir John Parret's 

Februarie. Anno 1573. 

Thursdaie 4. I went to London. 

Fry dale 5. I sat in the Starre Chamber. 

Saterdaie 6. I came againe to the Court. The Frenche Am- 

bassadeur had audience. 
Sondaie 7. The Lordes of the Counselle sat. 
Tuesdaye 9. I went to London. 
Thursdaie 11. I perused certain lettres intercepted sent unto me 

by the Lord Tresorer. 
Saterdaie 13. My Lorde Grayes matter was harde in the Starre 

Chambre. I retorned to the Court. 
Sondaie 14. Mr. Secretarie and I examined W. 
Mondaie 15. The counsell sat. 
Wednesdaie 17. I dispatched lettres to the maiors of Dover and 

Bye to sufire no Scotishman to passe without passporte. 
Thursdaie 18. Her Majestic removed from Hampton Court to Sir 

Thomas Gressams. I went to Fullham. 
Saterdaie 20. I retorned to Hampton Court. 
Mondaie 22. I receyved lettres from the Prince of Orenge of the 
taking of Mydleburge. The counsell sat about Irishe matters. 
Thursdaie 25. The counselle sat. 

Marghe. Anno 1573. 

Mondaie 1. I sent lettres to Mr. Waterhouse for the staye of 

the men. 
Tuesdaie 2. The Queene removed from Hampton to Grenwiche. 
Wednesdaie 3. I writ to Mr. Attorney for the staye of Coroners 

veredict touching matters betwene the Lord Graye and Mr. 


CAMD. 80C. T> 


Thursdaie 4. I retorned to the Court to Grenewiche. 
Fridaie 5. I fell sycke and went to London. 
Tuesdaie 16. I came againe to the Court. 
Saterdaie 20. The counsell sat about Irishe matters. 
Sondaie 21. The counsell sat about Irishe matters. 

Marche. Anno 1574. 

Sondaie 28. The counselle sat about the perusing of lettres to be 
sent into lerland. 

April. Anno 1574. 

Sondaie 4. The counselle sat. 
Fridaie 9. The counselle sat. 
Fridaie 30. The French Ambassador had audience, 

Mate. Anno 1574. 

Mondaie 3. Mr. Layton was despatched into France with her 
Majesties lettres to the King and Queen Mother. 

Thursdaie 20. The counselle sat. 

Mondaie 24. I sat at Westminster about the examinacion of the 
wytnesses touching the fraye betwene the garde and Sir John 
Perotes men, 

Thursdaie 27. I despatched Mr. William Killigrew into France. 

Frydaie 28. Mr. Henrie Killigrew was despatched into Scotland. 

June. Anno 1574. 

Thursdaie 3. I receaved lettres out of France of the deathe of the 

Frenche Kinge. 
Thursdaie 10. I sent lettres to the officers of the Admiraltie for 

the leviing of mariners. 


FBOM DBG. 1570 TO APKIL 1583. 19 

Mondaie 14. I receaved lettres out of France by young Mr. 

Wednesdaie 23. I sent the Earl of Huntingdon his instructions 

and commission. 
Mondaie 28. I receaved lettres from Barwicke from Capten 

Wednesdaie 30. I receaved lettres from Mr. Killigrew and from 

Barwick with a packet from Mr. Dalle of Montgomeries deathe. 

Mr. Leighton came out of Fraunce. Her Majestic removed 

from Grenwiche to Kichmond. 

Julie. 1574. 

Th'ui*sdaie 1. I came to Richmonde. The Lords sat in the 
Starre Chambre. They conferred with the Frenche Ambas- 
sador at the Lord Eeper's. 

Fiidaie 2. I was sent by her Majestic to conferre with Monsieur 

Saturdaie 3. I came again to the Court. 

Wednesdaie 7. I despatched Fergeson the Regent[*s] man with 
lettres to him from the counsell. Her Majestic removed to 
Windsore from Richemonde. 

Fridaie 9. I went to Fulham. 

Soiidaie 1 1 - I retorned to the Court from Fulham . 

Thursdaie 15. Her Majestic came from Windsore to Reading. I 
receaved, being at Sir Henrie Nevells, a packet of lettres from 
Sir Valentin Browne. 

Fridaie 16. I came to Reading. 

Thursdaie 23. Her Majestic removed from Reading to Newellme. 

Saterdaie 24. Her Majestic came from Cristofer Browne's to 

Wednesdaie 28. I receaved lettres from the Lord Cobham of the 
arrivall of the Earl of Oxforde at Dover. 


AuGUSTE. Anno 1574. 

Mondaie 2. Her Majestie removed from Woodstocke to Langleye. 

I went to Sir William Drewries, 
Tuesdaie 3. I came from Sir William Drewries to Burfourthe. 

Her Majestie came to Mr. Dutton'e. 
Wednesdaie 4. Her Majestie came to Sewdleye to the Ladie 

Fridaie 6. I receaved lettres from the Lord Tresorer and Par- 

menter^ being at Sir Thomas Chamberlaines. 
Saterdaie 7. I came to Gloucester. 
Tuesdaie 10. I removed from Gloucester and went to Mr. Bichard 

Amoldes to Churcham. 
Thursdaie 12. I came to Barkelaye Hearne to the Court, and 

after diner mett my wief at Bristow. 
Saterdaie 14. I went to Acton to Sir Nicolas Poines his house. 

After diner the counsel! sat about the Earle of Oxforde. Her 

Majestie came to Bristowe. 
Saterdaie 21. The Queen removed from Bristow to Bathe. The 

Earl of Oxford came before her Majestie. 
Mondaie 23. Her Majestie removed from Bathe to Mr. Bonham's 

at Haselburie to diner, and after to Mr. Sherington's. 
Saterdaie 28. Her Majestie removed to Mr. Brunkerd's to Stocke. 
Sondaie 29. I procured Crayford the Scotishman's pasport at her 

Majesties handes. 
Tuesdaie 31. Her Majestie removed from Stocke to Mr. Hauker's. 

Septembre. Anno 1674. 

Fridaie 3. Her Majestie removed from Mr. Haukers and dyned at 
my ladie Martein's and came to Wilton. I came to Sarisburie. 
I sent a packet to Parmenter with a bill to passe under the 
broad seale enclosed. 

FBOM DSC. 1570 TO APRIL 1563. 21 

Sondaie 5. I sent lettree to the Lord Maior in the behalfe of Mr. 

Mondaie 6. Her Majestie came to Sarisburie. 

Thursdaie 9. I went from Sarisburie to mj oosin Giffordes. Her 
Majestie went to Motsom. 

Fridaie 10. Her Majestie came to Winchester. 

Sondaie 12. The counsell sat. 

Mondaie 13. Her Majestie removed to Aberstam, the house of 
the Lord Marques of Winchester. I went to Abington to Mr. 

Tuesdaie 14. I went from Mr. Clarkes to Sir Henrie Wallop's to 
bed. Her Majestie removed to Odeam. 

Wednesdaie 15. I came from Sir Henrie Wallop's to the Court to 
Odeam, and from thence to Fameham to bed. I com- 
municated with Mr. Henrie EiUigrew, who came out of Scot- 

Thursdaye 16. Her Majestie came to Farneham. 

Mondaie 20. I removed from Famham to Fulham. 

Fridaie 24. Her Majestie removed from Farnham to Bagshot. 

Saterdaie 25. Her Majestie removed from Bagshot to Otelondes. 
I came from Fulham to Otelandes. 

OcTOBRE. Anno 1574. 

Fridaie 1 • Her Majestie came from Otelandes to Hampton Court. 

I sent her Majesties lettres to the Earl of Bedford for his re- 

Tuesdaie 5. The Lorde Northe was dispatched into France. 
Thursdaie 7. I sent lettres to Sir John Foster touching the Lord 

of Pharnihurst. 
Sondaie 10. I went to Fulham. 
Mondaie 11. I came from Fulham. 
Tuesdaie 12. I sent the Earl of Leycester's lettre to the Lord 

Northe to Dover in post. I sent a lettre to Mr. Swavingham 


in the behalf of three marchantes of Bristov7 at the suite of 
Thomas Nicolas. 
Mondaie 18. I receaved lettres from Mr. Killigre with lettres from 

the Countes of ArgUe touching the Jewells. 
Tuesdaie 19. Her Majestic went to Nonsuche. 

I went to Fulham with my wief. 
Fridaie 22. Her Majestic retorned from Nonsuche. 
I came to the Court from Fulham. 

NovEMBBE. Anno 1674. 

Mondaie 1. Monsr. Swevingham tooke his leave. 

Tuesdaie 2. I went to Fullam. 

Wednesdaie 3. I went to London. 

Thursdaie 4. I came againe to the Court. 

Sondaie 7. Mr. Wilson was dispatched towardes Flandres. 

Wednesdaie 10. I sent her Majesties lettres and the counsells with 

my one privat lettres to the Earl of Essex by Mr. Levenet. 

I went to Putney. 
Thursdaie 11. My Lords of the counsell dined with the Frenche 

Fridaie 12. I came to the Court. 
Saterdaie 13. I sent a packet to Mr. Egerton to be convayed to 

Mr. Wilson, wherein I sent a lettre to the Advocat fiscall. 
Tuesdaie 23. Mr. Villiers came to speake with me. 

Decembbe. Anno 1574. 

Thursdaie 2. I receaved lettres from the Lord Northe, being at 

Dover, retorning out of France. 
Thursdaie 16. I went to Batersaye. 
Fridaie 17. I retorned to the Court. 
Fridaie 24. I went from the Court to Batersaie. 
Thursday 30. I came to London from Battersey. 


FROM DEC. 1570 TO APRIL 1583. 23 

Aprill. Anno 1575. 

Friday 1. I went to the Court and came againe. 
Monday 18. I went to the Court at St. Jameses. 
Thursday 21. I went from the Court to London. 
Satterday 23. I went to the Court at Greenwich. 

June. Anno 1575. 

Friday 17. I went from Brocket haule to London. 
Sonday 19. I went from London to Brocket haule. 
Monday 20. I went from Brocket haule to the Court at Grafton. 

July. Anno 1575. 

Thursday 7. I went to my brother Wentworth's howse. 

Friday 8. I went to the Court. 

Monday 1 8. I went to Warwick and came againe. 

Tewsday 19. I went to Coventry and came againe. 

Wendneeday 27. I went from Killingworth to Kinsbery, Mr. 

Knowles his house. 
Thursday 28. I went to Tomworth Castell to dinner and from 

thence to Lychefield. 

. -^ August. Anno 1575. 

Wendnesday 3. I went from Lichefield to Stafford. 

Monday 8. I went from Stafford to Wolverhampton. 

Friday 12. J went to Beudley. 

Satterday 13. I went to Worcester. 

Monday 15. I went to Odiham. 

Satterday 27. I came to the Court at Langley. 

Monday 29. I went to the Court at Wodstock. 


Wendnesday 31. Monsieur Mauvissiere had accesse to her Ma- 

September. Anno 1575. 

Thursday 1. I was sent to Oxford by her Majesty to confer with 

the Frenche Ambassadour. 
Friday 2. I came againe from Oxford to the Court. • 
Satterday 3. I had conference with the French Ambassadours. 
Thursday 8. I went to Oxford with my Lord Treasorer and my 

Lord of Leycester and came againe. 
Sonday 11. I had conference with the French Ambassadours. 
Tewsday 13. I went to Mr. Sollicitour*s to dinner. 

October. Anno 1575. 

Tewsday 4, I went from Wodstock to Mr. Sleds howse at Milton. 

Satterday 8. I went from Milton to Wikham. 

Sonday 9. I went to Sir John Goodwin's, 

Monday 10. I went to Odiham. 

Tewsday 11. I came from Odiham to Windsore. 

Satterday 15. I went to Odiham. 

Monday 24. I retomed to the Court. 

November. Anno 1575. 

Monday 14. I went to Odiham. 
Thursday 17. I came againe to the Court. 

December. Anno 1575. 

Wendnesday 14. I went to London. 

Tewsday 20. I returned from London to Hampton Court. 

from dec. 1570 to april 1583. 25 

Februarie. . Anno 1575» 
Mondaie 6. Her Majestic removed to White Haule. 

Marche. Anno 1575. 

Mondaie 5. Mr. Harbart was sent by ber Majestie to Flussinge. 
Sondaie 18. The Deputies of Holland tooke their leave. 
Wendnesdaie 21. Champagnj tooke his leave. 

Marche. Anno 1576. 
Satterdaie 3 1 . Mr. Davison was dispatched into the Low Countries* 

Aprill. Anno 1576. 

Sondaie 1. Mr. Bandolphe was dispatched to the Frenche Kinge 

with a speciall message. 
Tewsdaie 17. My brother Beale was dispatched into Holland. 
Thursday 26. Her Majesty removid to Grenwich. 
Friday 27. I went from my bowse to Grenwich. 

May. Anno 1576. 

Wendnesday 9. Her Majestie went to Leycester Howse. I went 

to my howse at London. 
Thursday 10. Her Majestie removid to Sir Thomas Gresham's. 
Satterday 12. I went to the Courte, and retourned. Her Majesty 

removid to my Lord Admirall's. 
Tewsday 15. Her Majesty removid to K^onesuch. 
Wendnesday 16. 1 went to the Courte. 
Thursday 17. I retourned to my howse. Her Majestie removid to 

Mr. Carols at Bedington. 
Friday 18. Mr. Davison came out of Flaunders. 



Satterday 19. He Majesty retourned to Grenwich. 

Sonday 20. I went to Grenwich. 

Thursday 24. Mr. Bandolphe came to the Courte out of France, 

Friday 25. I went to my howse at London. 

Satterday 26. I retourned to Grenwich. 

Thursday 31. I went to London. 

June. Anno 1576. 

Satterday 2. I returned to the Courte. 
Tewsday 5. I went to my howse at London. 
Thursday 7. I retourned to the Courte. 
Mondaie 11. I went to London. 
Tewsday 12. I retourned to the Courte. 

Friday 22. Sir William Winter was dispatched to the Prince of 

JuLYE. Anno 1576. 

Monday 2. I went to my howse at London. 

Thursday 6. I retourned to the Courte. 

Sonday 8. I went to my howse. 

Monday 9. Her Majestie removid to St. James. 

Tewsday 10. I went to St. James. 

Monday 16. I went to London. 

Tewsday 17, I retourned to the Courte. 

Thursday 26. Sir William Winter and Mr. Beale came out of 

Sonday 29. I went to my howse at London. 
Monday 30. Her Majestie removid to Havering, and dyned at 

Stratford in Mr. Yonges howse. 
I went to Stratford, and retourned to London. 
Tewsday 31. I went to my lodging at Mr. Eadcliffe's. 


FROM DEC. 1570 TO AiPBIL 1583. 27 

August. 1576. 

Tewsday 7. Her Majestic removid to Mr. Stonardes. I went to 

Friday 10. Her Majestic removid to Mr. Altom's. I went 

to the Courte, dyned at Mr. Butler's, and went to bed to Sir 

Thomas Smythes. 
Saterday 11. Her Majestic removid to Hallingbnry Morley. I 

wente to my lodging at Starford. 
Tewsday 14. Her Majestic removid to Mr. Bashes. I went to my 

lodginge at Mr. Bashes brothers. 
Thursday 16. I went to the Lord Threasorer's at Theobaldes and 

lay there all night. 
Friday 17. I returned to Mr. Bashes. 
Monday 20. Her Majestic removid to Hertford. I went to my 

lodging at Mr. Hudson's. 
Friday 24. I went to Brocket haulc. 
Sonday 26. I went to the Courte at Hertford, and returned agayne 

to Brocket haulc. 
Monday 27. Her Majestic removid to Hatfeild. 
Thursday 30. Her Majestic went to St. Albon's. 
Friday 31. I went to Goramburye to dinner, and to St. Albon's 

to bed. 

September. Anno 1576. 

Saterday 1. Her Majestic removid to Mr. Sandes. I w0nt to 

Monday 3. Her Majestie removid to Windsorc. I went to Mr. 

Bluntes to bed. 
Tewsday 4. I went to Windsorc. 
Thursday 6. Sir Amyas Poulet tooke his leave to go into Fraunce 

to supplic Mr. Dale's roome. 
Sattcrday 8. I sent Sir Amyas his dispatche. 


Monday 10. Her Majesty reraovid to Byfiet. 
I went to my cosin Bardtes to bed. 

Tewsday 11. Her Majesty removid to Purford. I went to Pur- 

Wendnesday 12. Her Majesty removid to Sir William Moore's. 
I went to Shaford. 

Friday 14. I went to Odyham. 

Saterday 15. Her Majesty removid to Fameliam. 

Sonday 16. I went to the Courte. 

Monday 17. I went to Odiham. 

Tewsday 18. I returned to the Courte. 

Wendnesday 19. I went to Odyham. 

Thursday 20. Her Majesty removid to Odyham. 

Satterday 22. Her Majesty removid to Eeding. 

Monday 24. I went to the Courte. 

October. Anno 1576. 

Sonday 7. I went to Odiham. 

Monday 8. Her Majestie removid to Mr. Cotherer's. 

Tewsday 9. I went to Windsore. Her Majestie removid to Wind- 

Friday 12. Her Majestie removid to Hampton Courte. I went 
to Mr. Nicasius to bed. 

Saterday 13. I went to Hampton Courte. 

Thursday 18. Mr. Hoddesdon came out of Germany with lettres 
from the Counte Palatyne. 

Fridaye 19. Mr. Capten Chester brought lettres out of Holland. 

Tewsday 23. Mr. Stafford came out of Fraunce. 

Monsieur Du Pin, being sent to her Majestie from the King 
of Navarra, came to the Courte. 

Wendnesday 24. Doctor Dale came to the Courte. 

Thursday 25. Doctor Wilson was dispatched into the low countries. 

Friday 26. Monsieur Du Pin tooke his leave. 

— *M 

TROU DEC. 1570 TO APBIL 1583. 29 

Sonday 28« I went to London. 

Monday 29. I concluded a treatie of truce betwin England and 
Portingall for three yeres, with the Ambassadour of Portingall. 
Tewsday 30. I retoumed to the Courte. 

November. Anno 1576. 

Sonday 4. The Baron d^Aubigni, sent in ambassadge to her Majestie 
from the States of the Lowe Countrye, came to the Courte. 

Monday 5. Mr. Dr. Dale was sworne Master of the Bequests. 

Sondaie 11. The Baron d'Aubigny tooke his leave. 

Tewsdaie 13. The Baron d'Aubigny had his dispatche. 

Wendnesdaie 21. Mr. Gascoigne came out of the Low Countries 
with lettres. 

Fridaie 23. Sir John Smyth was dispatched into Spayne. 

Sondaie 25. Monsieur Taffin had audience. 

December. Anno 1576. 

Tewsdaie 4. I went to London. 

Fridaie 7. I returned to the Courte. 

Saterday 15. Monsieur Swevinghame came to the Courte. 

Thursdaie 20. Mr. Capten Horsey was dispatched to Don Juan 

d' Austria. 
Monday 31. I went to London. 


January. 1576. 

Thursday 3. I retoumed to the Courte. 

Wendnesdaie 16. Mr. Horsey returned out of the Low Countryes- 

Friday 18. Mr. Horsey was dispatched again to Don John. Mr. 

Davison was dispatched to the Prince of Orange. 
Mondaie 21. Monsieur Gastel, sent to her Majestie from Don John 

of Austria, came to the Courte. 


Thursday 24. Monsieur Gastell tooke his leave. I went to 

Satterday 26. I retoumed to the Courte. 

February. Anno 1576. 

Tewsday 5. Mr. Horsey returned out of the Low Countries. 
Thursday 7. Mr. Philippe Sydney dispatched to Themperor. 
Monday 11. I went to my howse at London. 
Tewsday 12. Her Majestie removid to Whitehaule. 
Wendnesday 13. I retoumed to the Courte. 
Satterday 16. I went to my howse. 

Monday 18. I went to the Courte, and returned to my howse. 
Wendnesday 20. Monsieur de Famar, sent firom the Prince of 

Orange, came to the Courte and had audience. I returned to 

the Courte. 
Thursday 21. Mr. Sydney departed. I went to my howse. 
Friday 22. I retoumid to the Courte. 
Monday 25. I went to my howse. 

Tewsdaye 26. I retoumid to the Courte. Her Majestie went to 

my Lord of Leycester's howse. 


Marche. Anno 1576. 
Monday 11. I went to the Courte. I went to.Leycester howse. 

Afrill. Anno 1577. 

Monday 8. A gentleman came to her Majestie with lettres from 

the King of Denmark. 
Sondaie 14. The King of Denmarkes gentleman was dispatched. 
Mondaie 15. I went to my howse. 

> Blank in MS. 

from dec. 1570 to april 1583. 31 

Mate. Anno 1577. 

Mondaie 6. I went to Grenwich. 

Tewsdaie 14. I went to mj howse at London. 

Satterdaie 18. I sent lettres to Doctor Wilson by the merchauntes 

Satterdaie 25. I went to the Courte at Grenwich. 

June. Anno 1577. 

Satterday 8. Mr. Philip Sydney came to the Courte. 

Sonday 9. Monsieur Prayner thEmperour's ambassadour came to 

the Courte. 
Tewsday 18. The Baron of Prayner tooke his leave. 
Satterday 22. The Viscount of Gant came to the Courte. 
Wendnesday 26. Mr. Rogers was dispatched.* 

JuLYE. Anno 1577. 

Satterdaye 6. The Viscount of Gaunt tooke his leave of her 

Satterdaye 13. Doctor Willson returned out of Flaunders. 
Friday 19. The Court removed from Greenwiche to Richemond. 
Satterday 20. Mr. D. Rogers and Mr. Jenkinson were dispatched 

into Denmarke. 
Sondaye 28. Sir John Smithe returned from Spayne unto the 

Mondaye 29. I receaved a lettre from Mr. George Winter beinge 

one the seas about the lie of Wight. 

August. 1577. 

Satterdaye 3. Mr. Davison had his dispatche into the Lowe Coun- 

* There are three unintelligible ciphers here. 


Tuesdaye 6. Monsieur Famars came to her Majestie firom the Prince 

of Orange. 
Mondaye 12. Mr. Fremmige came out of Flaunders. 
Wednesdaye 21. Mr. Beale dispatched into Germanye. 
Fridaye 23. The Queenes Majestie removed from Bichemond to 

Fridaye 30. I went to Mr. Barretes and hunted in Windsor 

Satterdaye 31. I returned to Otlandes with my wife. 

S£PT£MB£B. A.D. 1577. 

Wedsondaye 4. The Queen's Majestie went to my Lord Admirall's 

Thursdaye 12. The Queen's Majestie dyned at the Duchesse of 
Somersettes house. 

Sondaye 22. The Marques of Havericke, ambassadour from the 
States, arrived at the Court and liad audience. 

Mondaye 23. The Queen's Majestie removed from Oteland to 
Windsore Castle. I was sent by her Majestye to the Am- 
bassadour lyinge at Stanes. 

Tuesdaye 24. The ambassadour came from Stanes to the Courte at 
Windsore, and went from thence to his lodginge at Eaton 
CoUedge. Capitaine Furbusher arrived at the Court, beinge 
returned from Cataia. 

Wedsondaye 25. I with certaine of the Councell went to visit the 
Marques of Haverike, B[elgian] ambassadour, at his lodging in 
Eaton Colledge. 

Fridaye 27. The Marques of Havericke, ambassadour, had audi- 

Satterdaye 28. The Ladye Polixena arrived at the Courte. I 
with my Lord of Leycester and my Lord Chamberlaine went 
from her Majestie to the Marques his lodginge at Eaton 

FROM DEC. 1570 TO APRIL 1583. 33 

Sondaye 29. The Marques came unto the Courte in the mominge. 

October. 1577. 

Sondaye 6. The Marques had audience, dyned with the Lordes in 
the Councell Chamber. The Lord Chauncellour of Ireland 
arrived at the Courte. 

Mondaye 28. Mr. Jenkinson returned out of Denmarke, and 
brought lettres from Doctour Rogers. 

November. 1577. 

Sondaye 3. The Ambassadour Lebaulxin, come from the Frenche 
King, had audience. 

Satterdaye 9. I sent lettres with a commission for pyrattes to the 
Lord Cobham. 

Satterdaye 16. Lebausxin, the Frenche Ambassadour, was dis- 

The Lord of Hunsden was sworne Counsellour. 

Mondaye 18. I sent lettres to Mr. Robert Bowes, with instruc- 
tions, beinge dispatched into Scotland to remaine there agente, 
with lettres to the Regente. 

Satterdaye 23. I went to Odiham. 

Fridaye 29. I returned from Odiham. 

December. 1577. 

Sondaye 1. Monsieur Gastell, ambassadour from Don John, arrived 
at the Court, and had audience. Monsieur Sigure, Ambas* 
sadour from the King of Navarre, had audience the same daye. 

Satterdaye 7. Doctor Rogers returned out of Germanye. 

Mondaye 9. Monsieur Gastell was dispatched to Don John. 

Tuesdaye 10. Her Majestic removed from Windesore to Hampton 
CAMD. soo. F 


Wedsondaye 11. Monsieur Sigure was dispatched to the Kinge of 

Thursdaye 12. The Marques of Havery tooke his leave of her 

Majestie and my Lordes. 
Satterdaye 21. Mr. Wilkes was dispatched to the King of Spaine. 
Mondaye 23. Mr. Leighton was dispatched to the States in the 

Lowe Countries and to Don John. 
Tuesdaye 24. I went from the Court to my house in London. 
Satterdaye 28. I returned to the Courte. 
Mondaye 30. I went from the Court to my house in London. 

Januaryb. 1577. 

Thursdaye 2. I and the Lord Chauncellour did sitt about Iryshe 

Satterdaye 4. I with the Lord Chauncellour of Irland went to 

the Lord Keeper about Iryshe causes. 
Sondaye 5. I returned to the Courte. 
Thursdaye 23. Monsieur Famars came from the States to the 

Courte, and to remayne here as agent for the States. 


February. 1677. 

Satterday 1. Mr. Daniell Rogers returned out of Germanye, and 

with him D. Beutrecke, servaunt to Duke Casimyre. 
Mondaye 3. Mr. Randolphe was dispatched into Scottlande. 
Tuesdaye 4. I went to London. 
Wednesday 5. Mr. Captain Leighton returned out of the Lowe 

Countries. I returned from London to the Courte. 
Thursdaye 6. Mr. Beale returned out of Germanye. Doctour 

Beutrecke had audience. 
Friday 7. Mr. Leighton was againe dispatched to the Prince of 

Orange and States of the Lowe Coimtries. 
Sondaye 9. I returned to the Courte. 

— ••i*"^ 

FBOM DEC. 1570 TO APRIL 1583. 35 

Tuesdaye 11. I went from the Court to London. 
Sondaye 16. Mr. Wilkes returned out of Spaine. 
Satterdaye 22. A messenger came &om the Marques of Brande- 

burghe to her Majesty. 
Sondaye 23. Mr. Captain Leyton returned owt of the Lowe 

Tuesday 25. The Courte removed to Puttney. I wente to 

Thursdaye 27. The Queen's Majestie removed to Leicester House. 
Fridaye 28. I wente to the Courte. 

Mabch£. 1578. 

Satterdaye 1. I went to the Court at Leycester House. 
Mondaye 3. The Queen's Majestie removed to Grenwiche. 
Wednesdaye 5. I came to the Court, and returned againe that day 

to London. 
Fridaye 7. Mr. Bogers and D, Bewtreke were dispatched into 

the Lowe Countries and into Grermanye. 
Sondaye 9. I returned to the Courte. 
Fridaye 14. I went to London. 
Satterdaye 15. I returned &om London. 
Sondaye 16. Don Bernardino di Mendoza, Ambassador from the 

King of Spaine, had audience. 
Wednesday 19. Landeschadius^ Ambassador from the Duke of 

Bipons, had audience. 
Thursdaye 20. Don Bemardin Mendoza had audience of the 

Fridaye 21. The Marques of Haverech, Ambassadour from the 

States, had audience. 
Mondaye 24. Don Bernard Mendoza had audience of her Majesty. 

I went to London. 
Tuesday 25* I returned from London. 



Thursdaye 27. Landischadius was dispatched to the Duke of 

Friday e 28. The Marques of Havereck had audience. 
Monday 31. I went to London. 

Aprill. 1578. 

Tucsdaye 1. Don Bernard de Mendoza had audience. 

Fridaye 4. Mr. Wilkes dispatched to Don John. 

Sondaye 6. I returned to the Courte. 

Thursdaye 10. Don Bernard Mendoza had audience. The Marquis 

of Haverech tooke his leave of her Majestic. 
Sondaye 13. Mr. Kandolphe returned out of Scotlande. 
Satterday 19. I went to London. 
Mondaye 21. I returned from London. 
Thursdaye 24. I went to London. 
Satterdaye 26. I returned from London to the Courte. 
Sondaye 27. Monsieur Mavisieures had audience. 
Tuesdaye 29. Mr. Wilkes returned out of the Lowe Countries 

from Don Juan. 

May. 1578. 

Thursday 1. Mons. Gondy, sent from the French King, came to the 

Courte and had audience. 
Sondaye 4. Monsieur Mavissieres and Monsieur Gondy had 

Tuesdaye 6. I went to London. I sent lettres to Mr. Davison by 

Mr. Eowland Yorke, who was also dispatched to D. Casimire. 

The Queen's Majestic removed to the Lord Coinpton's house at 

Wcdnesdaye 7. I went to the Court at my Lord Compton's, and 

lo<lged at Mr. Wrothes. The Queen's Majestic removed to 

— --i 

FBOM DEC. 1570 TO APBIL 1583. 37 

Theobaldes. Monsieur Gondy was dispatclied home into 

Thursdaye 8* I went to Theobaldes. 
Satterdaye 10. Her Majestie removed to Mr. Bashes house. I 

went with the Courte to Mr. Bashes. 
Mondaye 12. I went to London. The Queen's Majestie removed 

to Sir Thomas Henneage his house. 
Tuesday e 13. Mr. Waterhouse returned out of Ireland, and brought 

lettres from the Lord Deputie and the counsell there. Her 

Majestie removed to my Lord of Leycester's house at Wain- 

Wednesdaye 14. I went to the Courte at Wainsted, and returned 

againe to London. 
Fridaye 16. Mr. Stafford was dispatched to the French King 

and Monsieur. Her Majestie removed from Wainsted to 

Mondaye 19. I went to London. 
Thursdaye 22. I returned to the Courte. 
Sondaye 25. I went to London. 
Mondaye 26. I went to the Courte. 
Tuesday 27. I went to London. 
Wednesdaye 28. I returned to the Courte. 
Thursdaye 29. I sent her Majesties lettres and declaration to the 

Eang of Portugall. 
Fridaye 30. I went to London. 
Satterdaye 31. I returned to the Courte. The Lord Chauncellour 

of Lreland was dispatched with lettres to the Lord Deputy and 

diverse others. 

June. 1578. 

Mondaye 2. I went to London. 

Tuesday 3. I returned to the Court at night. 

Friday 6. I went to London. 


Sondaye 8. I returned from London. 
Mondaye 9. I went to London. 

Fridaye 13. The Lord Cobham tooke his leave of her M^jestie, 
being sent into the Lowe Countries. 

{There are no entries from 14 June 1578 to 25 March 1580.) 

Mabghe. 1580. 
Tewsday 29. I went to Bamellms, and retumid to the Courte. 

Apbill. 1580. 

Wendnesday 20. Mr. Bowes dispatched with instruccions into 

Sondaye 24. I went to Bamellmes. 
Monday 25. I returned to the Courte. 
Friday 29. I went to Bamellmes. 

May. 1680. 

Mondaie 2. I returned to the Courte. 

Wendnesdaie 4. Monsieur du Yray, sent from Monsieur, came to 

the Courte and had audience. 
Thursdaie 12. I went to Bamellmes. 
Fridaie 13. I returned to the Courte. A packet from Mr. Stokes 

at Bruges, la None overthrowne. 
Mondaye 16. Monneur de Yray tooke his leave. 
Tewsday 17. I went to BarneUmes. 
Wendnesday 18. I returned to the Courte. 
Thursdaye 19. I went to Bamellmes. 
Friday 20. I retumid to the Courte. 

FBOM DEC. 1570 TO APBIL ld83« 39 

June. 1580. 

Thursdaie 2. MonBieur du Plessis came to the Conrte and had 

Tbursdaie 16. I went to Barnelhns. 
Fiidaie 17. I went to the Starre Chamber, and retumid to 

Bamellms to bed. 
Saterday 18. I retumid to the Courte. 
Tewsdaie 21. Mr. Stafford dispatched to Monsieur. 
Friday 24. The Prince of Cond^ came to the Courte. 
Tewsdaie 28. I went to BarneUmes. 

July. 1580. 

Saterdaie 2. I retumid to the Courte. 

Mondaie 4. I went to Barnellms. 

Tewsdaie 5. I retumid to the Courte. 

Fridaie 8. I went to Bamellmes. 

Saterdaie 9. I retumid to the Courte. 

Tewsdaie 12. Her Majesty remoyid to Otdand. I went to 

Thursdaie 14. I retumid to the Courte. 
Wendnesdaie 20. I went to Bamellmes. 
Fridaie 22. I retumid to the Courte. 
Thursdaie 28. I went to Bamellmes. 
Saterdaie 30. I retumid to the Courte. 

August. 1580. 

Mondaie 1. I went to Bamellmes. 
Wendnesdaie 3. I retumid to the Courte. 
Thursdaie 11. Mr. Stafford retumid out of Fraunce. 
Tewsdaie 16. Her Majesty went to Sunninghill. I went to 


Saterdaie 20. Her Majesly retumid from Sunninghill. I retumid 

to the Courte. 
Thursdaie 25. I went to Barnellines. 
Fridaie 26. I returnid to the Courte. 
Wendnesdaie 31. Mr. Bowes dispatched into Scotland. 

September. 1580. 

Mondaie 5. I went to Bamellmes. 

Fridaie 9. I retumid to the Courte. 

Mondaie 12. I went to Bamelhns. 

Tewsdaie 13. Her Majesty removid to Richmond. 

Wendnesdaie 14. I retumid to the Courte. 

Fridaie 16. Monsr. de Buy, sent from Mons., came to the Courte 

and had audience. 
Wendnesdaie 21. Mons. du Buy took his leave. 

October. 1580. 

Fridaie 7. Mr. Stafford dispatched into Fraunce. 
Saterdaie 8. Mr. Bowes revoked out of Scotland. 
Tewsdaie 25. I went to London. 
Fridaie 28. I returned to the Courte. 
Mondaie 31. Mr. Bowes sent for. 

December. 1580. 

(iVb entries this month till the 27th,) 

Tewsdaie 27. Mr. Stafford retumid out of Fraunce. 
Fridaie 30. Brune dispatched into Flaunders. 
Saterdaie 31. Mr. Fenton came out of Ireland. 

January. 1580. 

Fridaie 6. Mr. Randolph dispatched into Scotland. 
Wendnesdaie 11. Th* Ambassador of Savoy had audience. 

FBOM DEC. 1570 TO APKIL 1583. 41 

Friday 13. Walter Williams dispatched into Flaunders. 
Monday 16. The Pa[r]lement began. 

Februaby. 1580. 
Thursday 16. Marchaumont arrived at Dover. 

Apkill. 1581. 

Sunday 16. This day the Prince Daulphin and the rest of the 
Commissioners landed at Dover. 

Tewsday 18. The Commissioners came to Canterbury. 

Wednesday 19. The Mareschall Cosse came to Sittingborne, and 
the rest of the Commissioners to Rochester. 

Thursday 20. This day the Commissioners were receaved at 
Gravesend by the Earl of Hartford, &c. and from thence con- 
veyed to London, landing at Sommerset Howse, where they 
were welcommed by the Earl of Worcester, &c. 

Monday 24. The Commissioners had audience at 3 in the af^tor- 
noone, being conducted to the Court by the Lord Ad- 
myrall, &c. 

Tewsday 25. The Commissioners dyned with the Queen, conducted 
to the Court by the Earl of Bedford, &c. 

Wednesday 26. This day the Lord Threasurer, Lord Chamberlain, 
Lord Admyrall, the Earl of Bedford, the Earl of Leycester, 
Mr. Vicechamberlain, and Mr. Secretary Walsingham were 
sent to conferre with the Commissioners, at which tyme they 
acquainted them with their commissions. 

Thursday 27. The Commissioners dyned with my Lord of 
Leycester, where hir Majestic was present, and used some 
longe speach to them, opening the whole course of proceading 
in the mariage cause, in presence of Lords Threasurer, Cham- 
berlain, Admirall, Earls of Bedford, Leycester, Vicechamber- 
layn, Mr. Secretary Walsingham. 



Sunday 30, The Commissioners dyned with the Lord Threasurer, 
at what tyme the Lord Chamberlain, Lord Admyrall, &c. had 
conference with them. 

May. 158L 

Monday .L The Ambassadors had accesse to hir Majestic, and 
sawe the bearebaytinge. 

Tewsday 2. The Lord Threasourer, Lord Admirall, Lord Cham- 
berlain, Earls of Leycester and Bedford, Mr. Vicechamberlain 
and Mr. Secretary Walsingham, appointed to treat with the 
Commissioners, went to Sommerset howse and shewed their 

Thursday 4, The Commissioners had accesse to hir Majestic, and 
supped with the Lord Chamberlain. 

Saterday 6. The Commissioners went to Hampton Court, accom- 
panied with the Earls of Leycester and Penbrooke, &c. 

Sunday 7. Commissioners had accesse to hir Majestic, accompanied 
with the Earl of Northumberland. 

Friday 12. I went to the Commissioners. 

Saterday 13. The Lord Thresourer, Lord Chamberlain, &c went 
to Sommerset Howso. 

June. 1581. 

Friday 9. This day the P [resident] Brisson, Pynart and Mau- 
vaissier came to confer about the precedentship in the treaty. 

Saterday 10. This day Lansack, la Motthe, Brisson, Pynart and 
du Vray conferred with the Lord Threasurer abowt the prece- 
dentshippe, and agreed that hir Majesties Commissioners 
should be first placed. 

Sunday U. This day the treaty was signed. 

Monday 12. The Commissionera came to take their leave. 

FROM DEC. 1570 TO APRIL 1583. 43 

Tewsday 13. The Commissioners receaved lettres from the King. 

I and the Lord Threasurer vfent to them. 
Wednesday 14. I went to the Commissioners. This day they 

departed from London. 
Thursday 15. I came from Bamelmes. 

Saterday 17. This day the Spanish Ambassadour had audience. 
Tewsday 20. The Court removed to Greenwich, I went to Barn- 

Friday 23. I came to the Court. 
Friday 30. I went to London, and came againe the same day. 

July. 1581. 

Sunday 2. I went to London, and came againe the same day. 

Monday 3. Mr. Dillon dispatched into Irland. 

Wednesday 5. The Court removed to Mr. Stoner's. I went to 

Saterday 8. The Court came to Greenwichc. 
Monday 24. Went to London. 
Tewsday 25. Tooke my leave at the Court, and departed to 


September. 1581. 

Thursday 21. I came to the Court at Greenwich being returned 

out of Fraunce. 
Friday 22. The Court removed to Nonesuch^ and I went to 

Saterday 23. I came to Nonesuche. 
Tewsday 26. I came to Bamelmes. 

44 journal of sib francis wal8ingham, 

October. 1581. 

Sunday 1. I returned to Nonesuche. 

Wednesday 4. I came to Barnelmes. The Court removed to 

Thursday 5. I came to Richemond. 

Thursday 19. I went to London, and returned the same day. 
Saterday 28. Mr. Errington despatched into Scotland. 
Tewsday 31. The Duke d'Anjou landed. 

November. 1581. 

Thursday 2. The Duke came to the Court. 

Tewsday 7. Mr. Beale despatched to the Queen of Scotes. 

Wednesday 15. The Parlement proroged. 

Friday 17. The Court removed to Whitehall. I went to London. 

Tewsday 21. I returned to the Court. 

Wednesday 29. Pynart had audience. 

December. 1581. 

Sunday 3. I went to London. 

Sunday 10. Mr. Beale returned from Sheffeild. 

Thursday 21. I went to London. 

Friday 22. I returned to Court. 

Sunday 24. I went to my howse at London. 

Monday 25. I returned to the Court, and went to my howse the 

same day. 
Thursday 28. I returned to the Court. 

January. 1581. 

Monday 15. The Spanish Ambassador had audience before my 
lords of the Councell. 

w \ ^ ^ ^sg^^^M^^5gq^^^^^^^w^^^Wi^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^i^p^—iP 

FBOM DEC. 1570 TO APRIL 1583. 45 

Februaby. 1581. 

Thursday 1. The Court removed to Rochester. Monsieur de- 

Friday 2. I went to Rochester. 

Saterday 3. Hir Majestic removed to Sittingborne. I went to 
Mr. Cromer's to bed. 

Monday 5. Hir Majestic removed to Canterbury. I went to 
Canterbury to bed. 

Wednesday 7. Monsieur departed from Canterbury to imbarke at 
Sandwich. I wayted on him some part of the way, and re- 
turned to Canterbury. 

Sunday 11. My Lord Chamberlain and I went to see the workes 
at Dover. 

Monday 12. I returned to Canterbury. 

Tewsday 13. Hir Majestic came back to Feversham. 

Wednesday 14. Hir Majestic removed to Rochester. 

Friday 16. Hir Majestic removed to Dertford. I came to 

Saterday 17. Hir Majestic came to Greenwich. I went to Barn- 
elmes^ and from thence to the Court. 

Wednesday 21. The Spanish Ambassador had audience. 

Monday 26. The Earl of Leycester returned out of the Lowe 

Tewsday 27. I went to London. 

Marche. 1581. 
Saterday 24. Mr. Grenill dispatched to Flaunders. 

April. 1582. 

Monday 2. I went to Barnelmes. 

Saterday 7. Mr. Grenill returned of the Lowe Countryes. I came 
to the Court. 


Sunday 29. Alost taken. 

Mat, 1582. 

Wednesday 2. Monsieur de Bacqueville and du Baix came from 

the D[uke] . 
Friday 4. I went to kamelmes. 
Sunday 6. The Ambassador of Denmarke had audience. I 

returned to the Court. 

June. 1582. 

Thursday 28. The Lord Willoughby dispatched to Denmarke. I 
went to Bamelmes. 

July. 1582. 

Monday 9. La Kocque, Ambassador from the King of Navarre, 

tooke leave. 
Tewsday 10. I went to Bamelmes. 
Thursday 19. Zolcher dispatched into Germany. 

August. 1582. 

Monday 27. I went to Bamelmes. 

Thursday 30. Sir George Gary dispatched into Scotland. 

Friday 31. The Count Palatyne's sonne had audience. 

September. 1582. 

Saterday 1. The Court removed to Purfort to my Lord Admiral's 


Sunday 2. I went to Purfort. 

Monday 3. I went to Bamelmes. 

TROM DEC. 1570 TO APBIL 1583, 47 

Saterday 8. I returned to Court. 
Sunday 9. The Ambassador of Polonia had audience. 
Tewsday 18. The Ambassador of Polonia tooke leave. 
Wednesday 19. A gentleman from the King of Navarre had 

Thursday 20. The Court removed to Windsore. 

October. 1582. 
Tewsday 9. Sir George Carey returned out of Scotland. 

November. 1582. 

Sunday 4. The Ambassador of Russia had audience. 
Saterday 17. Monsieur Mallet came from Geneva. 
Thursday 21. I went to Barnelmes. 
Saterday 23". I returned to the Court. 
Thursday 28. La Motte had audience. 

December. 1582. 

Wednesday 12. La Motte departed from the Court towardes Scot- 

Saterday 15. Mr. Davison dispatched. 

Monday 17. I went to Barnelmes, and from thence to Greenwich 
with my Lord of Leycestcr and Mr. Vicechamberlain to con- 
ferre with the Ambassador of Russia. 

Wednesday 19. I came to Court. 

Tewsday 25. I went to Barnelmes. 

Satterday 29. I returned to the Court from Barnelmes. 

January. 1582. 

Monday 7. Mr. Col vile came from the King of Scotes. 
Tewsday 8. The Duke of Lennox had accesse unto hir Majestic. 
Mr. Colvile had audience. 


Thursday 17. Mr Colvile had audience and tooke his leave. 
Monday 21. Mr. Colvile departed. 

February. 1582. 

Tewsday 5. I went to Barnelmes. 

Monday 11. The Queen came to Barnelmes. 

Thirsday 14. I returned to the Court. 

Sunday 24. La Motte had audience, returning out of Scotland. 

Marghe. ,1582. 

Saterday 2. Mr. Darcy returned from the Low Cuntryes. I went 

to London. 
Sunday 3. I returned to the Court. 
Tewsday 5. I went to London. 
Tewsday 12. I went to Barnelmes. 

Sunday 17. Mr. Sommers dispatched into the Low Cuntryes. 
Monday 18. I went to London. 
Monday 25. I returned to the Court. 

April, 1583. 

Sajerday 6. Mr. Beale dispatched to the Queen of Scotes. 

Sunday 7. Du Baix came from Monsieur. 

Monday 8. I went to London. 

Friday 12. Mr. Davison returned out of Scotland. 

Wednesday 17. I went to London. 

Saterday 20. Mr. Sommers came out of the Low Cuntreyes. 

Tcr .T" 


December. 1570. 

Letters recenred from— 3rd, Earl of Shrewsbury; 4th, Mr. Ran- 

January. 157 L 

Letters received from — 11th, Mr. Doddington, Mr. Rothermaker, 
Mr. Randolphe, Fraunces Milles, Sir Walter Myldmay, and my 
wife; 20th, England. 

Letters sent to — 2nd, Earl of Leicester, Sir William Cecill, Sir 
Walter Myldmay, Mr. Heneage, Mr. Doddington, Mr. Kylli- 
grewe, my brother Carue, my wife; 7th, my wife; 11th, Sir 
Henry Neville, my wife; 15th, Sir William Pykeringe, my 
wife, Mr. Henneage, Mr. Randolphe, the Regent, Mr. Kylle- 
grew, the Archbp. of Canterbury; 21st, England; 22nd, The 
Palsgrave; 29th, The Queen, my Lord of Leicester, Mr. 
Secretary, Sir Walter Myldmay, Sir Nicolas Throckmorton, 
Sir Thomas Wroth, Mr. Henneage, my brother Carewe, Sir 
Henry Nevell, Sir William Pykeringe, Mr. Haddon, Mr. 
Drewe Drurie, Mr. Doddington, my wife, my sister Tarn- 
worth, Mr. Wotton, my cousin Walsingham, Mr. Kyllegrewe, 
Mr. Pelham, Mr. Tirwit, my Lord Buckhurst, my Lord of 
Rutland, my Lord of Huntingdon, the Bishop of London. 

February. 1571. 

Letters received from — 3rd, Sir William Cicille, the Earl of 
Leicester, Mr. Dyar, Mr. Kylligrewe, the Bishop of Winchester, 
my wife, Mr. Blount, Mr. Doddington, Mr. Milles; 6th, Earl 



of Sussex, Sir Thomas Wroth; 13th, Lord Buckhurste, Sir 
Walter Myldmay, Mr. Cavalcant, my wife, Mr. Henneage, 
Fraunces Milles; 21st, The Queen, Sir William Cecill, the 
Earl of Leicester, the Earl of Huntingdon, Mr. Drewe Drewrie, 
Sir William Pykering, Mr. Henneage, my Lady of Bed- 
ford, Sir Henry Nevel, my wife, Mr, Kylligrewe, Mylles, Mr. 
Aubery, Mr. Randolphe, Mr. Wotton, Mr. Waterhouse, Mr. 
Lettera sent to — Ist, Lord Buckhurste, my Lord Graye, my wife, 
Mr. Kyllegrewe, Sir William Cicill; 3rd, Earl of Leicester, 
Sir William Cicill, Mr. Blunt, Mr. Dyar, my wife, Mr. Kylli- 
grewe, Mr. Mylles, Mr. Doddington, my Lord of Rutland; 
9th, My wife, Sir William Cecill, the Earl of Sussex, the 
Earl of Bedford, Mr. Henneage, my Lady Cecill, Sir Walter 
Myldmay, the Lord Keeper, the Bishop of London, the Earl of 
Leicester, Mr. Hastinges^ Mr. Kyllegrewe; 12th, Earl of 
Leicester, Sir William Cecille, Sir Walter Mildmaye, Sir 
Henry Nevelle, Mr. Creswell, Mr. Randolphe, Captain 
Horsey, my wife, Mr. Hatton, Lord Buckhurste; 18th, Mr. 
Randolphe, Sir Henry Norreys, Mr. Manners, Sir Francis 
Knowls, Mr. Cobham, Sir William Cecille, Sir Henry Nevel, 
Mr. Henneage, Captain Franchatto, Mr. Dyar, Fraunces 
Mylles, my Lord of Leicester, Sir Thomas Wroth, Mr. Cave, 
my wife; 23rd, Earl of Leicester, Sir William Cecille, Sir 
Walter Mildmaye, Mr. Randolphe, my wife; 25th, Earl of 
Leicester, Sir William Cecille, the Earl of Huntington, Sir 
Thomas Wroth, Mr. Henneage, Mr. Killigrewe, Mr. Cosin, my 

March. 1571. 

Letters received from — 7 th, The council generally, Mr. Secretary » 
my Lord of Leicester, my Lord of Sussex, my Lord Cljnton, 
jny Lord of Bedford, Mr. Randolphe, Fraunces Milles, my 

PROM DEC. 1570 TO APRIL 1583. 51 

wife, Mr. Roger Manners, Mr. Horsey, Sir Henry Norreys, my 
Lord Graye, Mr. Denney; 10th, Sir William Cecille, my 
Lord of Leicester, Sir Walter Myldmaye, Mr. Henneage, 
my wife, Cardinal Chastilloii, Mr. Carey, Mr. Kyllegrewe, 
Fraunces Milles, Mr. Mather, Mr. Rodulphe, Mr. Bycknar; 
13th, The Palsgrave; 20th, The Queen, my Lord Burleigh, 
Sir Francis Knowles, Mr. Henry KnowUs, Sir Henry 
Nevelle, Sir Thomas Wroth, Mr. Killegrewe, Mr. Randolphe, 
Mr. Sealinger, Milles, Mr. Waterhowse, Mr. Henneage, Mr. 
Nicasius Yetsweirt, Mr. Antonio Giustiniano, Mr. Manners, 
Mr. Creswelle, Mr. Harrington, Mr. Wilson, Mr. Radermaker, 
Mr. Creswelle, Mr. Cosin, my sister Tamworth, Mr. Yetsweirt, 
Mr. Cary, Mr. Drewe Drury, Mr. Randolphe, the Bishop of 
London ; 29th, The Queen, my Lord of Burleigh, my Lord of 
Leicester, Mr. Henneage, Mr. Sommer, Sir Henry Norreys. 
Letters sent to — 5th, The Earl of Leicester, Sir William Cecille, 
Mr. Henneage, my Lord of Sussex, Mr. Kyllegrewe, Mr. 
Blount, Mr. Doddington, Mr. Beale, my wife, Fronchotto; 
8th, The Earl of Leicester, Mr. Secretary, Mr, Henneage, my 
Lord of Bedford, my Lady of Bedford, my Lord Clynton; 
12th, Lord Burleigh, Mr. Henneage, Sir Henry Norreys, Mr. 
Cary, Mr. Doddington, Francis Milles; 14th, Earl of Leices- 
ter, Lord Burghley, Sir Thomas Smith, Sir Henry Nevel, my 
Lord Gray, Mr. Pelham, Mr. Henneage, Mr Kyllegrewe, 
Francis Milles, my Lady Mildmay, Sir Walter, the Doctors of 
the Arches, my Lady Burleigh; 19th, Lord Burleigh, the Earl 
of Leicester, the Earl of Sussex, Sir Thomas Smith, Sir 
William Pykering, Sir Henry Norreys, my Lord of Buck- 
hurst, the Bishop of London, Mr. Henneage, Mr. Drewe 
Drury, Mr. Killegrewe, Mr. Denney, Mr. Mather; 27, Earl 
of Leicester, Lord Burleigh, Fraunces Milles. 

52 journal of sib francis walsin6ham, 

April. 1571. 

Letters received from — 1st, the Queen, my Lord Burleigh, the 
Earl of Leicester, Mr. Killegrewe, Sir Thomas Cotton, Sir 
Henry Nevell, Mr. Harbart, Milles; 13th, The Queen, my 
Lord of Burleigh, Mr. Henneage, Mr. Mather, Mr. Killigrewe, 
Madame Sertilian, Mr. Harbart, Sir Thomas Smith, the Earl 
of Bedford, the Bishop of London, Mr. Randolphe, Milles, 
Captain Cooborn, Mr. Drury Marchalle, Sir Henry Norreys, 
Mr. Drewe Drewry; 18th, The Queen, my Lord of Burleigh, 
the Earl of Leicester, Mr. Henneage, the Earl of Sussex, Lord 
Buckhurste, Sir Henry Norreys, Sir Rob. Terwit, Mr. Rob- 
Drewrey, Mr. Geferay Bates, Mr. Blont, Mr. Denney, Mr. 
Harbart, Mr. Yetsweirt; 24th, The Queen, my Lord of Bur- 
leigh; 29th, England; 30th, Mr. Cobham, in Spain. 

Letters sent to — 2nd, My Lord Burleigh, my Lord of Leicester, 
Mr. Henneage; 5th, My Lord Burleigh, the Earl of Leicester, 
the Earl of Sussex, my Lord of Buckhurste, Mr. Henneage, 
Sir T. Cotton, D. Wilson, my cousin Walsingham; 11th, My 
Lord of Burleigh, the Earl of Leicester, Mr. Killegrewe, Mr. 
Blont, Mr. Harrington, Mr. Killigrewe; 23rd, My Lord of 
Burleigh, the Earl of Leicester, the Earl of Bedford, the 
Countess of Bedford, the Earl of Sussex, Sir Thomas Smith, 
my Lady Throgmorton, Sir H. Nevelle, Mr. Killegrewe, Mr. 
Creswelle, Mr. H. Knowles, Mr. Waterhowse, Mr. Selenger, 
Sir H. Norreys, Mr. Hudson, Sir Robert Terwit, my Lord of 
Canterbury, Sir Thomas Wroth, Sir An. Just, Judge Weston, 
Mr. Randolphe, the Lord Regent of Scotland, Sir William 
Drewry, Mr. Sampson, Mr. Harbart, Mr. Denny, Mr. Dodding- 
ton, Mr. Rader, Mr. Milles, the Bishop of London, Sir Walter 
Mildmaye, Mr. Henneage, and his wife, Mr. Drewe Drewry, 
my Ladies Pagett and Mildmay, Mrs. Tamworth; 28th, Lord 
Burleigh, the Earl of Leicester, Sir Walter Mildmay, Mr. 

FROM DEC. 1570 TO APRIL 1683. 53 

May. 1571. 

Letters received from — 4tli, Francis Milles; 8th, Mr. Doddington, 
Mr. KiUegrewe, Mr. Randolph, Mr. Milles; 10th, the Queen, 
Lord Burleigh, the Earl of Leicester, Sir Walter Mild- 
may, Mr. Henneage, my Lord of Buckhurst, Sir Henry 
Norreys, Sir Thomas Wroth, Mr. Robert Drury, Mr. Dodding- 
ton, Mr. Randolph, Mr. Hudson, Mr. Thomas Walsingham, 
Mr. Blont, Mr. Wiseman, Mr. Harbart, Mr. Waterhowse, Mr. 
KiUegrewe, Milles; 16th, The Queen, Lord Burleigh, the 
Earl of Leicester; 20th, Count Lodovic. 

Letters sent to — 13th Archbp. of Casels; 15th, Lord Burleigh, the 
Earl of Leicester, the Bishop of London, Sir George Peckham, 
Sir Walter Mildmay, my Lord of Buckhurst, Mr. Thomas 
Walsingham, Mr. Randolph, Mr. Henneage, Mr. Doddington, 
Milles; 20th, My Lord of Burleigh, the Earl of Leicester, 
Mr. Henneage; 25th, My Lord of Burleigh, the Earls of 
Leicester and Sussex, Sir Walter Mildmay, Mr. Henneage, 
Francis Milles; 26th, My Lord of Burleigh^ my Lord of 
Leicester, Mr. Peckham, Mr. Henry Killigrewe, Milles. 

June. 1571- 

Letters received from — 24th, Mr. Wotton, Fraunces Milles. 

Letters sent to — 2nd, Sir William Drewrie, Mr. Randolphe, 7th, 
My Lord of Burghley, Mr. Killigrewe, Mr. D. Auberie, Mr. 
Wotten, Mr. Thomas Walsingham, Mr. D. GriflUle, Mr. D. 
Lewis, Mr. Wood, Mr. Dingley, Mr. Milles; 20th, My Lord of 
of Burghley, the Earl of Leicester, the Bishop of London, my 
Lord of Buckhurst, Sir Walter Mildmaye, my Lady of Bed- 
ford, Sir Francis Knowles, the Earl of Sussex, Sir Henry 
Norris, Mr. Hennege, Mr. Justice Weston, Mr. Yetsweirt, 
Mr. Doddington, Mr. Harbard, Mr. Gary, Mr. Acerbo Velu- 


telli, Mr. Killegrew, Mr. Milles; 25th, Lord Burghley, the Earl 
of Leicester, Mr. Hennege, Mr. Nicholas Sandes, Mr. Bod- 
leigh, Sir Thomas Leighe, Francis Milles. 

July. 1571. 

Letters received from — 7th, The Count Palatine; 11th, Mr. Henne- 
age, Sir Walter Mildmay, Francis Milles; 14th, The Queen, my 
Lord Burghley, my Lord Leicester, Fraunces Milles, Sir 
Humphray Gilbert; 17th, The Earl of Leicester, Mr. Doding- 
ton, my Lord of Buckhurst; 24th, Francis Milles, Mr. 

Letters sent to — Ist, Mr. Henneage, Francis Milles; 11th, My Lord 
Burghley, the Earl of Leicester, Mr. Henneage; 30th, Lord 
Burghley, the Earl of Leicester, Mr. Hennege, Mr. Gary, the 
Earl of Sussex, Lord Buckhurst, Mr. Bandolphe, Mr. Dodington, 
Sir Walter Mildmaye, Sir Henry Nevel, the Bishop of London 
and the rest of the Judges, Francis Milles. 

August. 1571. 

Letters sent to — 3rd, Lord Burghley, the Earl of Leicester, Mr. Hen- 
neage, Mr. Killegrewe; 7th, Mr. Harrington, Mr. Markham, 
Mr. Henneage, Mr. Dodington, Francis Milles; 12th, Lord 
Burghley, the Earl of Leicester, Mr. Henneage, Francis Milles, 
Mr. Killegrewe; 13th, Mr. Dodington, Mr. Martin Jacomo; 
20th, Mr. Dodington, Mr. Randolph, Mr. Dru Drewrie, my 
cousin Broket, Mr. Blont, Francis Milles; 25th, Lord Burgh^ 

October. 1571. 
Letters received from — 3rd, Lord Burghley. 

FROM DEC. 1570 TO APRIL 1583. 55 

November. 1571. 

Letters sent to— 9th^ Lord Burghlej^ the Earl of Leicester, and 

December. 1571. 

Ijetters sent to— 7th, Lord Burghlej, the Earl of Leicester and 
others: 3l8t, Lord Burghley, the Earl of Leicester and others. 

January. 1574. 

Letters received from — Ist, the Lord Treasurer; 4th, The Earl of 
Essex; 5th, Ireland; 8th, France; 16tb, Berwick, France; 
21st, The Lord Deputy of Ireland; 23rd, Sir Val. Browne, 
Treasurer of Berwick; 28th, France; 29th, Scotland. 

Letters sent to — 6th, The Regent of Scotland; 13th, Mr. Gillman; 
15th, The Mayor and Searcher of Dover; 18th, The Lord 
Deputy of Ireland; 25th, Sir Hen. Sidney, president of Wales, 
the Commissioners for the Musters in Staffordshire and Derby- 
shire; 26th, The Lord Treasurer. 

February. 1574. 

Letters received from — 8th, Prince of Orange, and Gbvemor of 
Antwerp; 15th, France; 19th, Guernsey, France; 24th, France, 
the Earl of Huntingdon. 

Letters sent to — 2nd, Lord Deputy of Ireland; 3rd, France; 8th, 
Wyndebanke, Dr. Wilson, the Queen's Attorney, Peter Bosket, 
Mr. Eaffe Lane; 13th, Scotland; 25th, The Earl of Leicester; 
26th, The Lord President of York, Sir Eaffe Sadler; 27th, 
The Lord President of York. 

56 journal of sib francis walsingham^ 

March. 1574. 

Letters received from — 2nd, The Earl of Huntingdon; 4th, The 
Earl of Shrewsbury; 5th, France; 12th, France; 23rd, The 
ambassador in France, the Lord Deputy of Ireland. 

Letters sent to — 1st, Lord Scrope, Sir John Foster, Sir Valentine 
Browne; 16th, Berwick; 18th, France; 30th, The Lord 
Deputy of Ireland, the Earl of Essex, Berwick, the Earl of 

April. 1574. 

Letters received from— 4th, Berwick, the Earl of Huntingdon; 5th, 
France; 7th, the Lord Deputy of Ireland; 13th, The Earl of 
Shrewsbury; 14th, The Earl of Essex; 15th, Mr. Dale, the 
ambassador of Mantua; 16th, Sir TV. Drurie, Marshal of Ber- 
wick; 19th, Mr. Dale; 21st, The Earl of Shrewsbury; 23rd, 
The Earl of Shrewsbury; 25th, Berwick, Walter Williams; 
26th, Berwick; 27th, Mr. Dale; 29th, Flanders. 

Letters sent to — 8th, The ambassador in France; 11th, The Lord 
Deputy of Ireland and the Earl of Desmond; 12th, The Earl 
of Shrewsbury; 16th, Sir V. Browne; 26th, Mr. Crowmer; 
28 th, The Earl of Shrewsbury ; 29th, The Treasurer of Berwick; 
30th, The Lord Deputy of Ireland, 

Mat. 1574. 

Letters received from — 6th, The Lord Deputy of Ireland; 9th, 
France, Antwerp; 11th, The Earl of Shrewsbury; 17th, Ber- 
wick; 22nd, Mr. Dale; 25th, France; 27th, the Earl of Essex, 
29th, France. 

Letters sent to — 1st, The Earl of Essex; 4th, The Hegent of Scot- 
land ; 7 th, France ; 12th, France ; 18th, Sir Valentine Browne, 
the Regent of Scotland, Lord Kilseithe, the Earl of Shrewsbury; 

FROM DEC. 1570 TO APRIL 1583. 57 

22nd, The Lord Deputy of Ireland; 22nd, Sir V. Browne; 
23rd, France. 

June. 1574. 

Letters sent to — 2nd, France, the Earl of Shrewsbury; 4th, The 
Regent of Scotland, Mr. Killigrew; 7th, The Lord President 
of York; 8th, The Countess of Montgomerie, Mr. Pawlet; 
9th, Sir V. Browne, Lord Scroope, Sir George Heme, Captain 
of Tynmouth Castle; 11th, Sir V. Browne, Mr, Killigrew, 
the Earl of Huntingdon, the Earl of Rutland; 12th, The 
Earl of Shrewsbury ; 13th, Mr. Killigrew; 14th, France; 19th, 
Sir V. Browne, Mr. Killigrew, the Earl of Huntingdon. 

Letters received from — 12th, Mr. Killigrew; 18th, The Lord 
Deputy of Ireland; 19th, the Earl of Shrewsbury; 23rd, France; 
24th, Mr. Killigrew; 29th, Mr. Killigrew. 

July. 1574. 

Letters received from — 2nd, The Earl of Huntingdon; 3rd, The 
Earl of Essex; 5t\u The Regent of Scotland and Mr. Killigrew; 
12th, France; 17th, Mr. Killigrew; 18th, Mr. Pawlet, Captain 
of Jersey; 22nd, France; 23rd, Ireland; 26th, Scotland, the 
Lord Treasurer; 29th, Mr. Hearle, the Earl of Ormond; 30th, 
The Earl of Shrewsbury; 31st, Mr, Killigrew. 

Letters sent to — 1st, Mr. Killigrew, the ambassador in France, the 
Earl of Huntingdon; 7th, Mr. Killigrew, Sir V. Browne; llth^ 
The Earl of Shrewsbury; 17th, France; 18th, The Earl of 
Shrewsbury, Mr. Killigrew, the Earl of Huntingdon, Sir Walter 
Mildmay; 28th, Mr. Bedingfield, the Lord Treasurer, the Earl 
of Huntingdon, Sir V. Browne: 31st, Mr. Killigrew, Lord 
Scroope, Sir Walter Mildmay, Parmenter, Selbie, the Lord 




August. 1574. 

Letters received from — Ist, The Lord Treasurer; 3rd, The Earl of 
Huntingdon, Lord Cobham; 4th, Mr. Dale; 8th, Mr. Killi- 
grew, Mr. Bedingfield; 9th, The Earl of Huntingdon, the 
Lord Treasurer; 17th, Mr. Dale; 30th, The Earl of Shrews- 

Letters sent to — 1st, The Lord Treasurer, Parmenter; 2nd, The 
Lord Deputy of Ireland, the Earl of Essex; 5th, The Lord 
Treasurer, the Earl of Huntingdon, Mr. Henneage, Parmenter, 
Lord Cobham; 7th, Sir Henry Radcliffe, Mr. Horysone; 9th, 
The Earl of Huntingdon, the Lord Mayor; 11th, The Lord 
Treasurer, France; 17th, Sir Antonie Cooke, Mr. Randolphe, 
Parmenter; 21st, The Earl of Shrewsbury, the Earl of Bed- 
ford, the Earl of Huntingdon, the Lord President of Wales, 
Mr. Randall, Sir Wm. Wynter, Parmenter, Mr. Henry Cob- 
ham, Mr. Calvart, the French ambassador, Sir Henry Lea, 
Mr. Middlemore; 24th, Sir Walter Mildmaye; 27th, The Earl 
of Huntingdon, the Regent, the Earl of Rutland, the Prince of 
Orange, Calvart, my brother Beale, Mr. Aldersaye; 30th, The 
Earl of Shrewsbury, Parmenter, Mr. Randolphe. 

September. 1574. 

Letters received from — 1st, Mons. la Noue, Mr. Randolphe; 3rd, 
Lord Cobham; 4th, Lord Cobham, London ; 7th, Ireland; 8th, 
Lord Cobham; 11th, The Lord Deputy of Ireland, the Earl of 
Ormonde; 14th, The Earl of Bedford; 17th, Dr. Dale; 19th, 
France; 30th, The Earl of Huntingdon. 

Letters sent to — 2nd, La Noue, Madame de Soubise, Mons. de 
Moret; 3rd, The Earl of Shrewsbury, the Lord Keeper, Mr. 
Cordell; 4th, Lord Cobham; 8th, The Earl of Shrewsbury, 
Lord Norris, the Bishop of Norwich, my cousin Sidnam ; 9th, 


FROM DEC. 1570 TO APRIL 1583. 59 

The Earl of Shrewsbury, Lord Cobham, Mr. Beale, Parmenter, 
the French ambassador; 13th, The Earl of Bedford, Lord 
Cobham, Sir John Perot, Parmenter; 18th, The Earls of Bed- 
ford and Shrewsbury, Lord Garrye, Parmenter, the Advocate 
Fiscal; 19th, The Lord Treasurer, Lord Northe Mr. Varlie, 
Mr. Lewkenor; 20th, Lord Cobham, the Earl of Huntingdon, 
the Lord President of Wales, the Earl of Ormond, the Lord 
Deputy; 28th, Lord Northe, Lord Souche, Lord Sturton; 
29th, The Lord Treasurer, the Regent of Scotland, Lord 
Hunsdon, the Prince of Orange, Boisot, Calvart, the Earl of 

October. 1574» 

Letters received from — 1st, The Lord Deputy of Ireland; 9th, Mr. 
Dale; 12th, Mons. Boysot; 13th, The Countess of Argyle, for 
the Queen; 15th, Lord Northe; 18th, Sir Walter Mildmay; 
22nd, Sir Thomas Gressam; 24th, The Earl of Essex, the 
Lord Deputy; 26th, Sir Arthur Champernon; 30th, Lord 
Hunsdon, Lord North, Sir John Foster; 31st, The Earl of 
Huntingdon, Mr. Dale. 

Letters sent to — 3rd, The Earl of Bedford, Sir W. Mildmay e; 6 th, 
The French ambassador, the Earl of Shrewsbury; 7th, The 
Bishop of London, Sig. Puttry; 11th, Mons. Boysot, D'Au- 
bene, D. Lewis; 13th, Sir Walter Mildmay, the Lord Mayor; 
14th, Lord Hunsdon, the Regent, the Earl of Huntingdon i 
18th, Mr. Swevingham; 19th, The Earl of Shrewsbury, the 
Earl of Desmond, Lord Hunsdon; 20th, Sir V. Browne; 30th, 
Justice Wraye; 31st, Sir Arthur Champernon, tlie Earl of 
Shrewsbury, the Earl of Huntingdon. 


NOVEMBEK. 1574. 

Letters received from — 5th, The Lord Deputy; 6th, Sir Val. 
Browne; 7th, The Earl of Huntingdon; 9th, The Earl of 
Shrewsbury: 12th, La Noue, Lord North •from Lyons; 13tli* 
The Earl of Huntingdon, Lord Cobham ; 16th, Dr. Wilson, 
Mr. Pawlet, Capt. of Jersey; 19th, Mr. Hearle; 20th, The 
Earl of Huntingdon; 26th, The Earl of Shrewsbury; 29th, 
Mr. Hearle; 30th, Lord Scroope. 

Letters sent to — ^^5th, Lord Hunsdon, the Earl of Huntingdon, the 
Regent; 10th, The Lord Deputy, the Earl of Essex, Lord 
Scroope, the Earl of Hunsdon;*^ 12th, The Earl of Huntingdon; 
14th, The Earl of Huntingdon ; 16th, The Earl of Essex, Dr. 
Wilson ; 18th, The Earl of Shrewsbury, Mr. Wilson, the 
Master of the Rolls; 20th, Mr. Hearle; 22nd, The Lord 
Deputy; 23rd, Dr. Wilson, Dr. Lewis; 24th, The Earl of 
Huntingdon, the Earl of Shrewsbury, Lord Hunsdon. 

December. 1574. 

Letters received from — 1st, Lord Scroope ; 4th, The Earl of Hunt- 
ingdon ; 5th, The Earl of Shrewsbury ; 6th, The Earl of Essex, 
Dr. Dale; 9th, The Regent; 13th, The Earl of Shrewsbury; 
17th, The Earl of Shrewsbury, the Earl of Huntingdon; 20th, 
Mr. Pawlet ; 25th, Lord Hunsdon, the Regent. 

Letters sent to — 2nd, The Earl of Shrewsbury ; 3rd, The Earl of 
Huntintrdon; 4th, The Earl of Bedford; 13th, The Prince of 
Orange, Boysot, Citadelle, Capt. Chester; 17th, The Lord 
Treasurer ; 22nd, The Earl of Huntingdon, the Earl of Rut- 
land ; 24th, The Earl of Shrewsbury, the Regent, Lord Huns- 
don, Mr. Amias Pawlet. 

» Sic in MS. 

FROM DEC. 1570 TO APRIL 1583. 61 

January. 1575. 

Letters received from — 1st, Mr. Dale, The Earl of Huntingdon ; 
eth, Mr. Dale; 10th, The Earl of Huntingdon; 11th, The 
ambassador in France ; 20th, The Earl of Huntingdon ; 22nd, 
The Earl of Huntingdon ; 25th, Calvart ; 26th, The Lord 
Treasurer; 27th, The Earl of Huntingdon; 29th, The Earl 
of Essex, the Lord Deputy ; 30th, The ambassador in France. 

Letters sent to — 4th, Dr. Wilson, Mr. Secretary Smith; 6th, The 
Governor of Boulogne; 9th, Mons. Boysot, Mons. Calvart; 
10th, The Earl of Huntingdon ; 14th, The Prince of Orange, 
Boysot, and Calvart; 16th, Dr. Dale, the Earl of Huntingdon ; 
18th, Her Majesty ; 20th, The Prince of Orange, Boisot, Sir 
Thos. Smith; 22nd, The Lord Treasurer, Mr. Wotton, and 
Languet at Vienna; 25th, Boysot; 26th, The Earl of 
Huntingdon, the Estates of Holland, My Lord Treasurer. 


February. 1575. 

Letters received from— 2nd, The Council; 3rd, The Bishop of 
Bath ; 4th, Dr. Wilson, the Earl of Essex, the Lord Deputy of 
Ireland ; 8th, The Earl of Huntingdon, the Prince of Orange ; 
10th, Sir Thos. Smith, the Earl of Essex, the Earl of Ormond, 
Mr. Dale, Wilkes; 18th, Dr. Dale; 19th, Sir John Foster; 
20th, Mr. Secretary Smith, the Lord Deputy of Ireland; 21st, 
Mr. Amias Paulet; 23rd, Citadella, Sir John Foster, the 
Regent ; 26th, Sir John Foster, the Regent, Mr. Mongomery, 
Pietro Bizari, the Lord Deputy of Ireland. 

Letters sent to — 2nd, The Regent of Scotland, the Earl of Hunting- 
don, Sir John Poster, my Lord Treasurer; 4th, Mr. Dale;. 
5th, My Lord Treasurer; 6th, The Earl of Leicester; 10th, Sir 
Thos. Smith; Uth, Mr. Secretary Smith; 13th, The Regent 
of Scotland, the Earl of Huntingdon, Sir John Foster; 19th, 


Dr. Wilson ; 20th, The Lord Treasurer ; 22nd, Her Majesty, 
the Lord Treasurer, the Prince of Orange, Boysot; 24th, Mr. 
Secretary Smith ; 25th, The Lord Treasurer ; 26 th, Boysot and 
his brother the Admiral ; 27th, Mons. de la Noue, the custo- 
mer, searcher and comptroller of Plymouth. 

Mabch. 1575. 

Letters received from — 2nd, Mr. Sec. Smith ; 5th, The Bishop of 
Bath; 7th, Boysot; 8th, The Lord Treasurer, the Earl of 
Leicester, the Earl of Huntingdon ; 10th, The Earl of Leices- 
ter, the Lord Admiral; 13th, Sir John Foster; 14th, Dr. 
Dale, Sassetti; 16th, The Earl of Leicester, Fremin; 21st, 
The Lord Deputy ; 22nd, Capt. Horsey ; 25th, Dr. Dale ; 
26th, The Lord Chamberlain; 27th, Citadella; 28th, Dr. 
Dale; 30th, The Earl of Leicester; 31st, The Earl of Hun- 

Letters sent to — 2nd, The Earl of Ormond; 4th, The Earl of Essex, 
the Lord Deputy; 6th, The Lord Chamberlain; 7th, The Lord 
Chamberlain; 8th, The Lord Treasurer; 9th, The Earl of 
Leicester, the Lord Admiral; 12th, The Earl of Huntingdon, 
the Lord Chamberlain, Dr. Dale; 13th, The Lord Admiral, 
17th, The Earl of Essex, the Lord Deputy, the Prince of 
Orange; 18th, Dr. Dale; 21st, Dr. Dale; 24th, The Regent, 
the Earl of Huntingdon, Sir John Foster; 28th, Dr. Dale; 
31st, The Earl of Leicester. 

ApBili. 1575. 

Letters received from — 1st, The Earl of Leicester; 4th, Jacomo; 
5th, Jacomo; 7th, Sir John Foster, the Regent; 8th, The 
Earl of Essex, the Lord Deputy; 16th, The ambassador in 
France; 26th, Dr. Dale. 


FBOM DEC. 1570 TO APRIL 1583. 63 

Letters sent to— 2nd, The Earl of Leicester; 6th, The Earl of Bed- 
ford, the Earl of Leicester; 6th, Boysot, Capt. Bingham; 11th, 
The Earl of Huntingdon, the Earl of Rutland, Sir John 
Foster, the Regent of Scotland ; 12th, the Admiral of Holland; 
13th, The Earl of Leicester; 14th, The ambassador in France, 
Jacomo; 15th, The Lord Deputy of Ireland; 19th, Sir 
AmiasPaulet; 22nd, The Earl of Huntingdon, the ambassador 
in France; 23rd, Lord Cobham. 

June. 1575. 

Letters received from — 2nd, Dr. Dale; 28th, Dr. Dale. 

Letters sent to— 5th, The Earl of Huntingdon, the Regent, the 
Earl of Shrewsbury, Sir John Forster; 14th, the Lord Deputy ; 
15th, The Earl of Shrewsbury; 16th, Dr. Dale; 22nd, Mr. 
Henry Killigrew, Mr. Randolphe; 29th, The Regent, Sir 
John Forster, Mr. Killigrew, Mr. Murray, the Earl of Hun- 

July. 1575. 

Letters received from — 4th, Mr. Solicitor; llth, Mr. John Selby; 
12th, Mr. H. Killigrew, Mr. Selby; 15th, Dr. Dale; 16th, 
The Lord Deputy, the Earl of Essex ; 18 th, Mr. John Selby, 
Mr. H. Killigrew; 19th, The Earl of Huntingdon; 21st, Mr. 
H. Killigrew, Mr. J. Selby; 22nd, The ambassador in France, 
the Earl of Shrewsbury; 23rd, The Earl of Huntingdon, Mr. 
H. Killigrew, the Lord Keeper, Mr. Recorder of London; 
25th, The Lord Treasurer, the Earl of Huntingdon; 30th, 
The Earl of Huntingdon. 

Letters sent to — 12th, The Lord Keeper; 14th, Boysot; 15th, The 
Earl of Huntingdon, the Earl of Shrewsbury, the Regent, 
Mr. H. Killigrew, Mr. John Selby, The Lord Admiral; 
18th, The Lord Keeper, ^ Mr. Recorder, the ambassador of 


the Low Countries; 19th, The Earl of Huntingdon, Mr. H- 
Killigrew; 20th, The Earl of Huntingdon; 22nd, The Earl 
of Huntingdon, Mr. H. Killigrew, Mr. John Selbye; 23rd, 
The French ambassador, Lord Cobham ; 25th, The Lord 
Admiral ; 26th, The Lord Deputy of Ireland, Sir Thomas 
Cockin; 27th, The Earl of Shrewsbury; 29th, The Lord 
Deputy, the Earl of Essex, Mr. Owen Moore, Capt. Maltbie, 
Mr. Waterhouse, the Earl of Lincoln, the Earl and Countes 
of Pembroke, Sir H. Wallop, Mr. Harbard. 

August. 1575. 

Letters received from — 2nd, The Lord Deputy ; 4th, The Earl 
of Essex, the Earl of Pembroke ; 5th, Dr. Dale ; 30th, The 
Earl of Essex. 

Letters sent to — 2nd, The Earl of Huntingdon; 5th, The Earl of 
Shrewsbury ; 8th, The Earl of Shrewsbury; 12th, The Earl of 
Huntingdon, the Earl of Shrewsbury, the Earl of Essex, Capt. 
Maltbie, the French ambassador; 15th, Mr. H. ICilligrew, the 
Lord Treasurer; 30th, The Earl of Huntingdon, Lord Huns- 
don, Mr. H. Killigrew. 

September. 1575. 

Letters received from — 5th, The ambassador in France; 10th, 
Dr. Dale; 12th, The Lord Treasurer in London; 14th, The 
Earl of Huntingdon, Lord Hunsdon; 19th, The Earl of 
Huntingdon, Lord Hunsdon, Dr. Dale; 22nd, The Earl of 
Htmtingdon; 23rd, Dr. Dale; 24th, Dr. Dale; 25th, Sir 
Wm. Fitzwilliam, the Lord Keeper; 26th, The French am- 
bassador, Lord Cobham ; 27th, Dr. Dale ; 29th, Lord 

Letters sent to — 2nd, The Earl of f^ssex, Sir Henry Sidney, Lord 



FROM DEC. 1570 TO APRIL 1583. 65 

Deputy of Ireland ; 3rd, The Earl of Huntingdon ; 9tli, Mr. 
John Ashtley ; 10th, The Earl of Shrewsbury, Mr. Villiers, 
Sir William Fitzwilliara in Ireland; 13th, The Marquis of 
Winchester; 16th, The Earl of Shrewsbury; 17th, The Earl 
of Huntingdon, Lord Hunsdon; 21st, The Earl of Hunting- 
don, Lord Hunsdon, Mr. Rokebie, Mr. Bowes ; 23rd, The 
Lord Treasurer; 24th, Lord Cobham, the Lord Treasurer; 
26th, The Lord Keeper, Sir Walter Mildmay, Mr. Secretary 
Smith, Sir Andrew Corbet; 28th, The Lord Treasurer, the 
Earl of Shrewsbury, Lord Cobham ; 30th, The Lord Treasurer, 
the Earl of Huntingdon, Lord Hunsdon, the Lord Chief 

October. 1575. 

Letters received from — 1st, The Earl of Huntingdon; 5th, Sir 
John Forster; 6th, Dr. Dale, the Earl of Huntingdon; 11th, 
The Earl of Huntingdon, Lord Cobham, Germany; 12th, 
The Eegent [of Scotland]; 13th, The Earl of Shrewsbuiy; 
14th, Lord Hunsdon. 

Letters sent to — 2nd, The Lord Treasurer; 4th, The Earl of 
Huntingdon, Lord Hunsdon; 5th, Dr. Dale; 7th, The^arl of 
Huntingdon, the Lord Treasurer, Lord Hunsdon; 8th, Lord 
Cobham; 14th, The Earl of Huntingdon, the Earl of Rutland, 
the Regent, Lord Hunsdon. 

November. 1575. 

Letters received from — 2nd, Dr. Dale; 7th, Dr. Dale; 8th, The 
Earl of Shrewsbury; 15th, Dr. Dale; 18th, The Earl of 
Shrewsbury ; 22nd, Dr. Dale ; 28th, The Marshal of Berwick. 

Letters sent to — 2l6t, The Earl of Shrewsbury; 23rd, The Lord 
Treasurer, Sir Robt. Constable, the Regent; 27th, Mr. Corbett 
in Flanders; 30th, The Earl of Shrewsbury. 



December. 1575. 

Letters received from — 4th, Dr. Dale; 6th, Mr. Corbett; 16th, 
Lord Scroope, the Marshal of Berwick; 17th, Mr. Corbett; 
21st, Dr. Dale; 23rd, The Marshal of Berwick, the Regent; 
29th, Dr. Dale; 31st, Dr. Dale. 

Letters sent to — 1st, Lord Scroope; 3rd, Dr. Dale; 5th, The 
Marshal of Berwick, the Regent; 10th, The Marshal of Ber- 
wick; 17th, Dr. Dale; 27th, The Marshal of Berwick, the 
Lord Regent, the Earl of Shrewsbury. 

January. 1576. 

Letters received from — 3rd, Sir Henry Cobham, in Spain; 4th, 
The Earl of Shrewsbury; 14th, The Lord Deputy of Ireland; 
17th, D. Furstemberg and Roland Fox, in Germany; 18th, 
Lord Scroope; 26th, Dr. Dale, the Earl of Shrewsbury; 28th, 
The Marshal of Berwick, the Lord Treasurer; 30th, The Lord 

Letters sent to — 13th, Sir Thos. Grargrave, vice-president of York; 
17th, The Earl of Shrewsbury; 27th, The Marshal of Ber-* 
wick, the Regent; 29th, The Lord Treasurer; 31st, The Lord 

February. 1576. 

Letters received from — 1st, Dr. Dale; '3rd, The Treasurer; 8th, 
Dr. Dale; Uth, Dr. Dale; 2 1st, Dr. Dale; 27th, The ambas- 
sador in France. 

Letters sent to — 3rd, The Lord Treasurer; 4th, The Lord Trea- 
surer, the Earl of Huntingdon, the Earl of Essex; 6th, The 
Earl of Shrewsbury; 12th, Dr. Dale; 24th, The Earl of 
Shrewsbury, the Marshal of Berwick, the Lord Regent. 



FROM DEC. 1570 TO APBIL 1583. 67 

March. 1576. 

Letters received from — 2nd, Dr. Dale; 3rd, The Marshal of Ber- 
wick; 7th, The Earl of Shrewsbury; 9th, The Lord Deputy 
of Ireland; 10th, The Marshal of Berwick; 15th, Dr. Dale; 
16th, The Earl of Shrewsbury; 17th, The Earl of Shrewsbury, 
the Marshal of Berwick; 22nd, Dr. Dale; 29th, Daniel 
Rogers in Flanders; 30th, Dr. Dale. 

Letters sent to — 5th, The Earl of Shrewsbury; 15th, The Earl of 
Shrewsbury; 21st, Mr. Harbart, the Admiral of Holland; 
29th, The Earl of Shrewsbury; 30th, The Regent, Lord 
Scroope, the Marshal of Berwick, the Dean and Chapter of 

April. 1576. 

Letters received from — 3rd, The Earl of Shrewsbury; 6th, The 
Earl of Shrewsbury; 7th, Dr. Dale; 8th, The Marshal of 
Berwick; 9th, Dr. Dale; 12th, The Earl of Shrewsbury; 
15th, Dr. Dale; 21st, Dr. Dale, Mr. Davison; 25th, Dr. 
Davison; 29th, The Earl of Shrewsbury. 

Letters sent to — 2nd, The Earl of Shrewsbury ; 10th, Dr. Dale. 


May. 1576. 

Letters received from — 1st, Dr. Dale, Mr. Randolphe, the Marshal 
of Berwick; 2nd, The Earl of Shrewsbury; 5th, Lord Scroope, 
9th, The Marshal of Berwick; 11th, Mr. Dale, Mr. Randolphe; 
15th, The Earl of Shrewsbury; 16th, Dr. Dale, Mr. Ran- 
dolphe; 18th, The Earl of Shrewsbury; 20th, The Marshal of 
Berwick; 23rd, Mr. Beale; 24th, Dr. Dale; 26th, The Earl 
of Shrewsbury ; 27th, Lord Scroope; 28th, Dr. Dale. 

Letters sent to — 6th, The Marshal of Berwick ; 1 6th, The Earl of 
Shrewsbury; 23rd, The Marshal of Berwick, the Regent; 24th, 


The Earl of Shrewsbury ; 26th, The Earl of Shrewsbury, Dr. 
Dale ; 28th, The Earl of Shrewsbury. 

June. 1576. 

Letters received from — 1st, Dr. Dale; 2nd, The Earl of Slirews- 
bury; 3rd, The Marshal of Berwick, the Segent; 8th, The 
Earl of Shrewsbury, the Marshal of Berwick; 11th, Dr. Dale; 
15th, Dr. Dale, Mr. Beale; 17th, The Earl of Shrewsbury; 
19th, The Earl of Shrewsbury; 26th, The Earl of Shrews- 
bury, Dr. Dale ; 29th, The Lord Deputy; 30th, Dr. Dale, the 
Earl of Shrewsbury. 

Letters sent to — 4th, the Lord Regent; 7th, The Earl of Shrews- 
bury; 10th, The Earl of Shrewsbury, Sir Sobt Constable; 
15th, Dr. Dale; 18th, The Marshal of Berwick; 20th, The 
Earl of Shrewsbury; 21st, The Earl of Shrewsbury; 27th, 
The Earl of Shrewsbury. 

July. 1576. 

Letters received from — 6th, The Earl of Shrewsbury; 11th, Dr. 
Dale; 14th, The Earl of Shrewsbury; 17th, Dr. Dale, the 
Treasurer of Berwick; 19th, Mr. Colshill at CuUein; 21st, 
The Lord Deputy ; 22nd, Sir Wm. Winter, Mr. Beale ; 24th, 
Dr. Dale. 

Letters sent to — 6th, The Earl of Shrewsbury; 7th, Dr. Dale; 
12th, The Lord Regent, the Earl of Shrewsbury, the Marshal of 
Berwick; 15th, The Earl of Shrewsbury; 17th, The Earl of 
Shrewsbury, the Lord Deputy, the Lord Chancellor, Sir Wm. 
Drury, Mr. Agard, Mr. Waterhowse; 20th, The Lord Deputy; 
23rd, The Regent, the Marshal and the Treasurer of Berwick ; 
26th, The Lord Deputy, Sir E. Fitton, Sir Lucas Dillon, the 
Lord Chancellor, Sir Wm. Drury, Mr. Agard, Mr. Water- 
bowse; 27th, Mr. Colshill, Mr. Costlin, Mr. Thos. Eaton, 

FEOM DEC. 1570 TO APRIL 1583. 69 

Bizarl ; 31st, The Earl of Shrewsbury, Sir Thomas Smyth, 
Lady Mildmay. 

August. 1576. 

Letters received from — 1st, The Marshal of Berwick, Dr. Dale; 4th, 
The Earl of Shrewsbury ; 7th, The Earl of Shrewsbury; 9th, 
The Earl of Huntingdon, Sir Walter Mildmay, the Lord 
Treasurer; 10th, Dr. Dale; 19th, The Marshal of Berwick; 
22nd, Dr. Dale; 25th. Mr. Holstock, Capt, Bingham, the 
Lord Deputy, the Earl of Essex, Mr. Waterhowse ; 27th, Sir 
Walter .Mildmay, at Apthorpe ; 29th, The Earl of Hunting- 
don ; 30th, The Earl of Shrewsbury, the Prince of Orange. 

Letters sent to — 7th, The Lord Regent, the Earl of Huntingdon, 
the Marshal and the Treasurer of Berwick, Sir Walter Mild- 
may, Dr. Dale; 9th, The Lord Treasurer; 10th, The Earl of 
Shrewsbury; 11th, The Earl of Shrewsbury, Sir Thos. Smyth, 
Sir Walter Mildmay ; 15th, The Regent, the Earl of Shrews- 
bury, Sir Walter Mildmay; 23rd, Dr. Dale; 24th, The Lord 
Regent, the Earl of Huntingdon, the Marshal of Berwick, Sir 
Walter Mildmay, Mr. Alexander Haye ; 25th, Mr. Colshill, 
Mr. Castlin; 28th, The Prince of Orange; 30th, The Earl of 

S£PT£MB£B. 1576. 

Letters received from — 2nd, Dr. Dale; 4th, Mr. Holstocke; 5th, 
Mr. Johnson; 6th, Mr. Holstock, the Earl of Huntingdon; 
8th, Mr. Holstock; 11th, The Lord Treasurer, Mr. Edgerton, 
at London; 12th, Mr. Gilpin, the Company of Merchant Ad- 
venturers, Sir Amyas Paulet; 16th, Dr. Dale; 18th, The 
Treasurer of Berwick, the Earl of Huntingdon; 21st, Dr. 
Dale; 27th, Dr. Dale, Mr. Colshill; 28th, Ireland. 

Letters sent to — 3rd, The Lord Keeper, the Lord Treasurer; 6th, 


Mr. Holstock; 7th, Dr. Dale; 10th, The Eegent, the Earl of 
Huntingdon, Sir Walter Mildmay, the Marshal of Berwick; 
11th, The Lord Treasurer, Sir Amjas Paulet; 12th, Mr. 
Edgerton, the Lord Treasurer, Sir Amyas Paulet; 14th, The 
Lord Treasurer; 18th, The Marshal of Berwick, the Lord 
Begent, the Earl of Huntingdon; 19th, Sir W. Mildmay, at 
Apthorpe; 25th, The Earl of Huntingdon, the Bishop of 
Carlisle; 28th, Sir Amyas Paulet, Dr. Dale, the Earl of 
Huntingdon; 29th, The Lord Deputy and Lord Chancellor of 
Lreland, Mr. Waterhowse. 

OCTOBEB. 1576. 

Letters received from— ^2nd, The Earl of Huntingdon; 4th, Sir 
Wm. Drury; 5th, Sir W. Mildmay; 6th, Sir Amyas Paulet, 
Dr. Dale; 9th, The Lord Regent, the Earl of Huntingdon, the 
Earl of Shrewsbury, the Marshal of Berwick ; 10th, The Earl 
of Shrewsbury; 17th, Sir Amyas Paulet, Dr. Dale, Ireland, 
the Marshal of Berwick ; 22nd, The Earl of Butland ; 26th, 
The Treasurer of Berwick; 30th, Mr. Hcaton. 

Letters sent to — 1st, The Earl of Rutland; 2nd, Sir W. Mildmay, 
at Apthorpe; 3rd, The Lord Treasurer, the Portuguese ambas- 
sador, Mr. Smith, customer, Mr. Fanshaw, Mr. Yonge, packer, 
and Mr. Andrew Palmer; 6th, The Lord Treasurer, Mr. Cols- 
hill, Mr. Hudson, Mr. Castlin, Mr. Heaton; 7th, The Earl of 
Huntingdon, the Lord Treasurer; lOth, The Earl of Shrews- 
bury, the Lord Begent, the Earl of Rutland, Lord Scroope, 
the Marshal and Treasurer of Berwick; 17th, The Earl of 
Huntingdon; 18th, The Lord Treasurer, at Theobalds; 22nd, 
Sir Amyas Paulet; 27th, The Earl of Shrewsbury. 

NOYEMBEB. 1676. 

Letters received from— 1st, Sir Amyas Paulet; 4th, Lord Scroope; 

FROM DBG. 1570 TO APRIL 1683. 71 

10th, The Ekrl of Shrewsbury, Flushing; 14th, Lord Scroope, 
18th, Sir Amyas Paulet, Mr. Wilson; 24th, The Lord Deputy, 
Mr. Johnson, at Berwick; 26th, The Lord Chancellor of 
Ireland; 28th. Lord Scroope; 30th, D. Wilson. 
Letters sent to — 2nd, The Earl of Rutland, Lord Scroope; 3rd, Sir 
Amyas Paulet; 10th, The Earl of Shrewsbury; 15th, The 
Lord Deputy; 19th, D. Wilson; 23rd, The Treasurer of Ber- 
wick, the Begent; 25th, Sir Amyas Paulet; 28th, The 
Treasurer of Berwick, Lord Scroope. 

December. 1576. 

Letters received from — 6 th, Lord Scroope, the Regent; 9th, The Earl 
of Shrewsbury, Dr. Wilson; 11th, The Treasurer of Berwick; 
13th, The Earl of Huntingdon; 14th, Sir A. Paulet; 18th, 
Mr. Sturmius, Dr. Wilson; 27th, The Earl of Shrewsbury; 
30th, The Earl of Huntingdon; 31st, Mr. Powlet. 

Letters sent to— 6th, Dr. Wilson; 11th, The Earl of Huntingdon, 
the Regent, the Treasurer of Berwick, Mr. Wilson; 17th, Mr. 
Wilson; 18th, Sir Amyas Paulet, Mons. du Pin; 19th, The 
Earl of Huntingdon; 22nd, The Earl of Huntingdon; 29th, 
Mr. Horsey, Mr. Wilson, Mons. St.Aldegonde; 30th, Mr. Wil- 
son, the Earl of Huntingdon. 

January. 1577. 

Letters received from — 2nd, The Treasurer of Berwick ; 5th, Mr. 
Wilson, Mr. Horsey; 8th, Sir Amyas Paulet; 10th, The Earl 
of Huntingdon; 15th, The Earl of Shrewsbury; 16th, Mr. 
Wilson; 18th, Mr. Wilson; 21st, The Earl of Shrewsbury; 
22nd, Sir A. Paulet; 25th, The Earl of Shrewsbury, Germany; 
28th, Mr. Wilson; 30th, The Earl of Shrewsbury; 31st, Mr. 


Letters sent to — 26th, France; 27th, Mr. Bowes, the Earl of Hunt- 
ingdon; 29th, The Earl of Shrewsbury; 31st, The Earl of 
Huntingdon, Sir John Forster, Mr. Bowes. 

April. 1580. 

Letters received from — 1st, The Earl of Huntingdon, Flanders ; 
2nd, Sir Henry Cobham; 9th, France, Flanders; 13th, The 
Earl of Shrewsbury; 14th, Mr. Bowes; 16th, Mr. Bowes; 
20th, Mr. Bowes; 2l8t, Flanders; 22nd, France; 24th, France, 
Ireland; 27th, Mr. Bowes; 28th, Flanders; 29th, Ireland. 

Letters sent to — 2nd, Flanders; 3rd, Sir Henry Cobham; 7th, The 
Earl of Huntingdon ; 8th, The Earl of Huntingdon, the Earl 
of Shrewsbury; 9th, Flanders; I3th, France; 16th, Mr. 
Bowes, France, Flanders; 17th, Mr. Bowes; 20th, Mr. Bowes, 
the Earls of Huntingdon and Butland; 22nd, Mr. Bowes; 
23rd, Flanders ; 24th, France, Mr. Bowes, the Earl of Hunt- 
ingdon; 26th, The Earl of Huntingdon, Sir John Forster, 
Lord Scroope. 

May. 1580. 

Letters received from— 3rd, The Earl of Huntingdon; 5th, Lord 
Scroope, Sir John Foster, the Bishop of Carlisle ; 6th, Flanders; 
7th, Ireland; 9th, France, Mr. Bowes; 10th, Ireland; 12th, 
Lord Scroope, the Earl of Huntingdon, Flanders; 13th, The 
Earl of Huntingdon, Sir John Forster, Ireland; 15th, Mr. 
Bowes, France; 17th, Sir John Forster; 18th, Flanders; 
19th, Mr. Sturmius; 20th, France; 21st, Mr. Bowes; 23rd, 
Mr. Selby; 27th, Mr. Bowes, Flanders; 29th, France. 

Letters sent to — 3rd, The Earl of Huntingdon, Mr. Bowes; 7th, 
France, Flanders, Ireland; 11th, Ireland; 12th, The Earl of 
Shrewsbury; 13th, Lord Cobham; 14th, Flanders, Mr. Selby; 
16th, Ireland; 17th, France; 18th, Ireland; 19th, Mr. Bowes; 

FBOM DEC. 1570 TO APRIL 1583. 83 

21st, Flanders ; 22nd, France; 23rd, The Earl of Huntingdon, 
Mr. Bowes; 24 th^ Ireland; 28tli, The Earl of Huntingdon, the 
Earl of Shrewsbury, Lord Scroope, Flanders. 

June. 1580. 

Letters received from — 2nd, Ireland, Flanders; 3rd, The Earl of 
Huntingdon; 7th, Mr. Bowes; 10th, Flanders, the Earl of 
Shrewsbury; 11th, Ireland; 13th, France; 16th, Ireland, 
Flanders; 17th, The Earl of Huntingdon; 18th, France; 19th, 
Mr. Bowes ; 23rd, Flanders ; 26th, The Earl of Shrewsbury ; 
26th, The Earl of Huntingdon ; 29th, The Earl of Shrews- 
bury; 30th, Ireland, Lord Scroope. 

Letters sent to — 1st, Mr. Bowes; 4th, Flanders; 5th, The Earl of 
Huntingdon ; 8th, The Earl of Huntingdon, Mr. Bowes ; Uth, 
Flanders; 12th, The Earl of Huntingdon, Mr. Bowes; 16th, 
Flanders; 18th, Ireland ; 20th, France; 22nd, Mr. Stafford, 
the Earls of Shrewsbury and Huntingdon, Mr. Bowes; 29th^ 
The Earl of Huntingdon. 

July. 1580. 

Letters received from — 1st, Mr. Bowes; 2nd, Flanders; 5th, Mr. 
Stafford; 8th, Ireland; 10th, France; 13th, Ireland, the Earl 
of Shrewsbury; 17th, France; 19th, Ireland, Flanders; 21st, 
France; 23rd, Lord Scroope, Mr. Stafford; 26th, Sir W. 
Mildmay; 27th, Mr. Bowes; 29th, Flanders, France. 

Letters sent to — 2nd, The Earl of Huntingdon, Flanders; 6th, 
The Earls of Shrewsbury and Huntingdon, Lord Scroope; 
7th, France; 11th, Lord Scroope, Sir John Forster; 12th, 
France, Flanders; 13th, Ireland, France; 22nd, The Earls 
of Huntingdon and Shrewsbury, Sir W. Mildmay; 23rd, 
Flanders; 25th, Mr. Bowes; 27th, Sir Hen. Cobham, Mr. 
Stafford, the Earl of Shrewsbury, Sir W. Mildmay, Mr. 


Bowes, the Earl of Huntingdon; 29th, Mr. Bowes, the Bp, 
of Durham; 30th, Flanders. 

August. 1580. 

Letters received from — 3rd, Ireland; 4th, The Earl of Huntingdon, 
Flanders; 5th, The Ambassador in France and Mr. Stafford; 
6th, Mr. Bowes, The Earl of Huntingdon; 9th, Berwick; 
10th, Ireland; 12th, Ireland; 13th, France, Flanders, Sir 
W. Mildmay; 17th, Ireland, Lord Scroope; 24th, France, 
Flanders; 25th, Mr. Bowes, the Earl of Huntingdon ; 27th, 
Ireland; 29th, France. 

Letters sent to — 4th, Berwick; 6th, Flanders; 10th, The Earl of 
Huntingdon, Sir W. Mildmay, Ireland, Mr. Bowes; 16th, 
Mr, Bowes, Lord Scroope; 18th, France; 19th, France; 
20th, Flanders; 27th, Flanders, the Earl of Huntingdon, 
Lord Scroope, Ireland, the Earl of Shrewsbury, Mr. Bowes, 
Sir W. Mildmay; 30th, France. 

September. 1580. 

Letters received from — 3rd, Ireland, Flanders; 6th, Ireland; 7th, 

Flanders; 8th, The Earl of Himtingdon; 9th, France, Mr. 

Bowes; 14th, France; 15th, France, Flanders; 18th, Mr. 

Bowes; 19th, Ireland, the Earl of Huntingdon ; 22nd, France; 

24th, Ireland; 25th, Ireland; 26th, Ireland; 29th, France, 

Flanders; 30th, Mr. Bowes, the Earl of Huntingdon, Mr. 

Letters sent to — 1st, Mr. Bowes; 3rd, Flanders; 5th, The Earl of 

Huntingdon, Sir W. Mildmay, Mr. Bowes; 10th, France, Mr. 

Bowes; 11th, Lord Scroope, Sir John Forstcr, Mr. Selbie; 

12th, The Earl of Shrewsbury, Sir W. Mildmay; 17th, 

France, Flanders; 19th, Mr. Bowes; 20th, Sir W. Mildmay; 

24th, Flanders; 25th, Ireland, Mr. Bowes; 27th, Ireland, the 



FROM DEC. 1570 TO APRIL 1583. 85 

Earl of Rutland; 28th, Ireland; 30th, Ireland, the Earl of 

October. 1580. 

Letters received from — 4th, Ireland; 6th, Ireland, Mr. Bowes; 
10th, Mr. Bowes, France; 12th, France, Flanders, the Earl of 
Huntingdon; 13th, Mr. Bowes, Mr. Selby; 14th, Flanders; 
16th, France; 17th, Mr. Selby at Berwick, the Earl of Hun- 
tingdon; 21 St, France, Flanders; 22nd, Mr. Bowes; 26th, 
Mr. Bowes; 27th, Flanders; 29th, The Earl of Huntingdon; 
30th, Mr. Bowes, and Mr. Selby at Berwick; 31st, France, 
Sir John Forster. 

Letters sent to — 1st, Flanders, Mr. Bowes ; 3rd, Sir John Forster, 
Mr. Selby; 4th, The Earl of Huntingdon; 5th, Ireland; 7th, 
France; 8th, France, Mr. Bowes, the Earl of Huntingdon; 
11th, The Mayor of Bristol; 12th, The officers of the Port of 
Dover; 13th, The Commissioners at Dover; 14th, Ireland; 
15th, Flanders; 20th, The Commissioners at Chester, the 
Earl of Huntingdon; 22nd, Flanders; 23rd, The Earl of 
Derby; 24th, The Earls of Shrewsbury and Huntingdon; 
26th, The Earl of Huntingdon, the Archbp. of York, Mr. 
Bowes, Sir John Forster, the Bp. of Durham, Lord Scroope, 
the Bp. of Carlisle; 28th, France; 29th, Flanders; 30th, 
Mr. Bowes and Mr. Selby at Berwick ; 31st, Berwick. 

November. 1580. 

Letters received from — 1st, Ireland ; 3rd, Flanders, the Archbp. of 
York; 4th, Mr. Selbie, the Earl of Huntingdon, Lord Cob- 

Letters sent to — 1st, The Prince of Orange; 4th, Lord Cobham. 


Marshal of Berwick, Sir Amias Paulet; 25tli, The Marshal of 
Berwick, the Regent, my Lord Treasurer; 26th, The Mayor 
and Aldermen of Newcastle, Lord Cobham ; 31st, The Am- 
bassador in France. 

September. 1577. 

Letters received from — 1st, Sir A. Paulet; 3rd, Sir R. Constable, 
Mr. Robert Bowes; 5th, Lord Cobham; 7th, Mr. Bowes, 
Treasurer of Berwick; 10th, Sir A. Paulet, the Earl of Bed- 
ford; 11th, The Treasurer of Berwick; 13th, Scotland; 14th, 
Mr. Davison, Mr. Beale, Duke Casimyrus, Mr. Daniel Rogers 
at Neustadt; 17th, The Lord Regent; 18th, Sir Robert 
Constable, Mr. Davison; 22nd, Sir R. Constable; 23rd, Sir 
A. Paulet; 25th, The Earl of Shrewsbury; 26th, Mr. Davison; 
27th, Mr. Hawkins, the Earl of Huntingdon; 28th, Mr. 
Robert Bowes; 30th, Sir Amyas Paulet, the Lord Deputy of 

Letters sent to — 2nd, Lord Cobham; 3rd, Lord Cobham, Mr. 
Davison, Mr. Beale; 4th, Sir Robert Constable, Mr. Robert 
Bowes, the Lord Regent, Sir Walter Mildmay; 6th, The 
Marshal and Treasurer of Berwick; 7th, The Treasurer of 
Berwick; 9th, The Treasurer of Berwick; 10th, Sir William 
Drury in Ireland; 11th, Sir Amias Paulet, the Earl of Bed- 
ford; 13th, Mr. D. Rogers at Hamburgh; 16th, The Earl of 
Huntingdon, the Earl of Rutland, the Earl of Shrewsbury, 
the Treasurer of Berwick, the Lord Deputy, the Lord Chief 
Justice, in Lincolnshire; 17th, Sir Amyas Paulet, the Lord 
Treasurer; 2l8t, The Lord Deputy; 29th, Mr. Davison; 30th, 
Sir Robt. Constable, Mr. Bowes. 

October. 1577. 

Letters received from — 1st, Sir Amyas Paulet; 3rd, Mr. D. Rogers, 
Mr. Davison, at Brussels, Sir Robert Constable; 6th, The 

FROM DEC. 1570 TO APRIL 1583. 77 

Earl of Shrewsbury; 7th, The Lord Deputy, Mr. Beale; 9th^ 
Sir Bobert Constable; 11th, Mr. Davison; 12th, Mr Davison, 
the Earl of Huntingdon ; 13th, Mr. Bowes; 15th, The Earl of 
Shrewsbury; 16th, Sir A. Paulet, Mr. Davison; 20th, Sir 
William Drury; 23rd, The Earl of Huntingdon, Mr. Beale, 
Mr. Sogers, at Frankfort, Mr. Davison, at Brussels; 24th, 
and 26th, The Marshal of Berwick ; 27th, The Earl of Shrews- 
bury, the Earl of Huntingdon ; 28th, Sir Amyas Paulet, the 
Earl of Huntingdon; 29th, Mr. Sturmius, Dr. Bogers; 30th, 
Lord Scroope; 31st, The Treasurer of Berwick. 
Letters sent to — 1st, Lord Cobham, the Lieutenant of Dover Castle; 
3rd, Mr. William Davison, her MajeiBties agent in the Low 
Countries; 5th, The Earl of Huntingdon, Lord Cobham; 10th, 
Mr. Kandolphe at Canterbury; 11th, Mr. Bowes in Scotland; 
12th, Lord Cobham; 14th, The Earl of Shrewsbury; 15th, 
Lord Scroope, the Mayor and town of Newcastle, Justice Man- 
hode, the Mayor of Dover, Mr. Davison; 16th, The Lord 
Treasurer; 18th, Mr. Davison; 19th, The Marshal of Ber- 
wick, Mr. Bowes, the Eegcnt, the Earl of Huntingdon, the 
Earl of Shrewsbury; 2l8t, Lord Cobham; 22nd, The Earl 
of Rutland, Sir John Foster; 23rd, Lord Cobham; 24th, Sir 
A. Paulet, Mr. Bowes, Sir Arthur Champemowne, the Earl of 
Bedford; 28th, Mr. Davison. 

November. 1577. 

Letters received from— 2nd, Mr. Davison; 4th, The Marshal of 
Berwick, Lord Cobham ; 5th, The Earl of Huntingdon, Sir 
A. Paulet; 11th, The Earl of Shrewsbury ; 13th, The Earl of 
Huntingdon, the Treasurer of Berwick ; 14th, The Marshal of 
Berwick; 16th, The Marshal of Berwick; 18th, Sir A. Paulet, 
Mr. Daniel Kogers, Mr. Davison; 19th, Mr. Davison; 20th, 
The Earl of Shrewsbury; 23rd, Mr. Davison, Sir A. Paulet; 


24tli, Lord Scroope, the Earl of Huntingdoiii Mr. Sogers; 
27th, The Marshal of Berwick. 
Letters sent to — 1st, The Earl of Huntingdon; 2nd, Mr. D. Bogers 
at Newstate, Mr. Beale at Wittenberge, Mr. Davison, the 
Treasurer of Berwick, Lord Scroope; 3rd, The Lord Deputy; 
4th, Lord Cobham, the Marshal of Berwick ; 6th, Mr. Davison; 
9th, Mr. Davison ; 12th, Lord Cobham, Dr. Wilson, secretary, 
Mr. Hatton, vice chamberlain; 1-5 th. The Earl of Shrews- 
bury ; 16th, The Earl of Huntingdon, the Marshal of Berwick, 
Sir John Foster, the Bp. of Durham; 18th, Sir A. Paulet, 
Mr. Davison ; 22nd, Sir Nicholas Malby and Sir Lucas jDillon 
in Ireland; 24th, Mr. Davison. 

Decembeb. 1577. 

Letters received from — 2nd, Mr. Davison; 6th, Mr. Davison; 9th, 
Sir A. Paulet; 11th, Scotland, the Marshal of Berwick; 13th, 
Lord Cobham; 17th, Sir Bobt. Constable, Mr Bowes, in Scot- 
land; 20th, The Lord Deputy; 22nd, The Earl of Hunting- 
don; 25th, The Lord Deputy, the Earl of Huntingdon; 26th, 
Mr. D. Rogers, Mr. Davison; 27th, Sir A. Paulet; 29th, Mr. 

Letters sent to — 3rd, The Earl of Huntingdon ; 7th, Mr. Davison ; 
8th, The Earl of Shrewsbury; 10th, Sir A. Paulet, Mr. 
Bowes, Sir E. Constable, Lord Scroope, the Earl of Hunting- 
don; 11th, The Lord Deputy; 12th, Lord Cobham; 14th, 
Lord Cobham; 15th, Mr. Davison; 17th, Sir Amias Paulet; 
21st, Mr. Davison; 23rd, The Earl of Shrewsbury. 

Januabt. 1578. 

Letters received from — 3rd, Sir A. Paulet; 5th, The Marshal of 
Berwick; 7th, The Earl of Huntingdon; 14th, Mr. Davison; 
15th, Sir Amias Paulet; 16th, Capt. Leighton; 22nd, Mr. 


FBOM DEC. 1570 TO APRIL 1583. 79 

Bowes, in Scotland, the Marshal of Berwick; 23rd, Mr. 
Davison ; 27th, The Earl of Huntingdon ; 28th, The Earl of 
Shrewsbury, Sir A. Paulet; 29th, Lord Scroope; 30th, The 
Earl of Huntingdon ; 31st, Mr. Bowes, in Scotland. 
Letters sent to — 1st, The Marshal of Berwick, Mr. Bowes, in Scot- 
land; 9th, Mr. Davison; llth, Mr. Davison; 13th, The 
Marshal of Berwick, Mr. Bowes, in Scotland ; 14th, Sir 
Amias Paulet; 15th, The Earl of Shrewsbury; 17th, Lord 
Scroope; 21st, The Lord Deputy; 24th, The Earl of Hun- 
tingdon ; 26th, The Earl of Shrewsbury ; 28th, Lord Scroope, 
the Earl of Huntingdon; 31st, The Earl of Huntingdon, Sir 
John Foster. 

February. 1578. 

Letters received from — 1st, Mr. Beale, Mr. Davison, the Lord 
Deputy, Mr. Wilkes ; 4th, Mr. Davison ; 5th, Sir Robert Con- 
stable, Mr. Davison; 9th, Mr. Davison; 10th, The Earl of 
Huntingdon; 13th, The Earl of Shrewsbury; 14th, Mr. 
Davison; 17th, The Earl of Huntingdon; 19th, Mr. Davison; 
21st, The Earl of Huntingdon; 23rd, Sir A. Paulet; 25th, 
Mr. Bowes in Scotland ; 28th, Mr. Davison, the Lord Deputy. 

Letters sent to— 4th, The Earl of Huntingdon; 5th, Mr. Bowes, 
Sir A. Paulet; 6th, The Earl of Shrewsbury; 7th, The Earl 
of Huntingdon, the Bishop of Durham; llth. Sir A. Paulet; 
16th, The Earl of Huntingdon; 22nd, Mr. Randolphe, Sir A. 
Paulet; 24th, The Earl of Huntingdon, the Earl of Shrews- 
bury; 25th, The Earl of Huntingdon, Mr. Randolph, Mr. 

March. 1578. 

Letters received from — 1st, The Earl of Huntingdon; 5th, Sir Robt. 
Constable; 7th, Mr. Davison; 8th, Sir A. Paulet; llth. The 


Earl of Shrewsbury ; 14th, Mr. Randolphe, Mr. Bowes, Mr. 
Davison; 1 5th, The Earl of Huntingdon ; 16th, Sir A. Paulet; 
19th, The Earl of Shrewsbury; 20th, The Earl of Hunting- 
don, Mr. Davison; 21st, Lord Scroope, Sir A. Paulet; 22nd, 
Mr. Randolphe; 23rd, Sir A. Paulet; 24th, The Earl of 
Shrewsbury, Sir A. Paulet, Mr. Randolphe; 26th, Mr. Davison; 
27th, The Earl of Shrewsbury; 30th, Mr. Rogers; Slst, Sir A. 
Letters sent to — 9th, The Bishops of Worcester and Bangor; 11th, 
Mr. Randolphe, Mr. Bowes, Lord Scroope; I7th, Mr. Ran- 
dolphe, Mr. Bowes, the Earl of Shrewsbury; 18th, Sir A. 
Paulet, Mr. Randolphe, Mr. Bowes; 20th, Mr. Davison; 21st, 
The Earl of Shrewsbury; 22nd, Lord Scroope, the Earl of 
Huntingdon ; 24th, The Lord Deputy ; 27th, Mr. Davison, 
Mr. Randolphe; 31st, The Earl of Shrewsbury, the Earl of 

April. 1578. 

Letters received from— 4th, The Earl of Shrewsbury ; 5th, Sir A. 
Paulet, Lord Scroope, Mr. Davison; 8th, Lord Scroope; 9th, 
The Earl of Huntingdon; 12th, Mr. Bowes, the Earl of 
Shrewsbury ; 13th, The Earl of Huntingdon ; 14th, Mr. 
Davison; 15th, Lord Cobham; 16th, Mr. Davison; 18th, 
Mr. Bowes; 20th, The Lord Deputy; 2l8t, Sir A. Paulet; 
22nd, The Earl of Huntingdon ; 24th, Mr. Davison; 29th, Sir 
A. Paulet. 

Letters sent to— 4th, Mr. Davison, Sir A. Paulet; 7th, Mr. Bowes; 
10th, Sir A. Paulet; 11th, Sir A. Paulet, the Earl of Hunting- 
don; 13th, The Earl of Shrewsbury, the Earl of Huntingdon, 
the Bp. of Durham; 19th, The Marshal of Berwick, Sir A. 
Paulet; 23rd, The Earl of Huntingdon; 25th, Mr. Robt. 
Bowes; 30th, The Earl of Shrewsbury. 

FROM DEC, 1570 TO APRIL 1583. 81 

May. 1578. 

Letters received from — 3rd, Mr. Bowes; 5th, Mr. Davison; 6th, 
Sir A. Paulet; 7th, The Earl of Shrewsbury; 8th, Mr. Bowes; 
9th, Sir John Foster, Mr. Bowes; 11th, Mr. Davison, Mr. 
Rogers; 16th, Sir A. Paulet, Mr. Bowes; 20th, The Earl of 
Shrewsbury; 22nd, Mr. Davison, Sir R. Constable; 23rd, The 
Earl of Shrewsbury; 26th, Sir A. Paulet, Mr. Bowes; 28th, 
Mr. Hoddesdon at Hamborowe, Mr. Davison, the Earl of 
Huntingdon; 30th, The Earl of Shrewsbury, Sir A. Paulet. 

Letters sent to — 1st, The President of Munster; 3rd, The Marshal 
of Berwick, Sir A. Paulet; 5th, Mr. Davison, Mr. Daniel 
Rogers, the Earl of Huntingdon; 9th, Sir John Foster, Mr. 
Bowes; 17th, Mr. Davison, the Earl of Shrewsbury; 19th, 
Mr. Davison; 21st, Sir Amias Paulet, Mr. Bowes, the Earl of 
Huntingdon, the Bishop of Carlisle ; 22nd, Mr. Davison; 28th, 
Lord Gobham, Mr. Bowes, the King and Earls of Scotland; 
29th, Sir A. Paulet; 30th, The Earl of Shrewsbury. 

June. 1578. 


Letters received from — 3rd, Mr. Davison ; 9th, The Earl of Shrews- 
bury; 12th, Mr. Bowes. 

Letters sent to — 3rd, The Earl of Shrewsbury ; 4th, The Earl of 
Huntingdon; 5th, Mr. Davison; 6th, Mr. Bowes; 8th, Sir A. 
Paulet, the Earl of Leicester at Bujctons ; 9th, The Earl of 
Shrewsbury, Lord Scroope; 13th, The Earls of Shrewsbury, 
Huntingdon, and Leicester at Buxtons ; 14th, Sir A. Paulet. 

March. 1580. 

Letters received from — 25th, Flanders, Ireland ; 30th, Lord Scroope 
and the Earl of Huntingdon, in France; 31st, The Earl of 



Letters sent to— 26th, France; 27tli, Mr. Bowes, the Earl of Hunt- 
ingdon; 29th, The Earl of Shrewsbury; 31st, The Earl of 
Huntingdon, Sir John Forster, Mr. Bowes. 

April. 1580. 

Letters received from — 1st, The Earl of Huntingdon, Flanders; 
2nd, Sir Henry Cobham; 9th, France, Flanders; 13th, The 
Earl of Shrewsbury; 14th, Mr. Bowes; 16th, Mr. Bowes; 
20th, Mr. Bowes; 2 let, Flanders; 22nd, France; 24th, France, 
Ireland; 27th, Mr. Bowes; 28th, Flanders; 29th, Ireland. 

Letters sent to — 2nd, Flanders; 3rd, Sir Henry Cobham; 7th, The 
Earl of Huntingdon ; 8th, The Earl of Huntingdon, the Earl 
of Shrewsbury; 9th, Flanders; 13th, France; 16th, Mr. 
Bowes, France, Flanders; 17th, Mr. Bowes; 20th, Mr. Bowes, 
the Earls of Huntingdon and Butland; 22nd, Mr. Bowes; 
23rd, Flanders ; 24th, France, Mr. Bowes, the Earl of Hunt- 
ingdon; 26th, The Earl of Huntingdon, Sir John Forster, 
Lord Scroope. 

May. 1580. 

Letters received from— 3rd, The Earl of Huntingdon; 5th, Lord 
Scroope, Sir John Foster, the Bishop of Carlisle ; 6th, Flanders; 
7th, Ireland; 9th, France, Mr. Bowes; 10th, Ireland; 12th, 
Lord Scroope, the Earl of Huntingdon, Flanders; 13th, The 
Earl of Huntingdon, Sir John Forster, Ireland; 15th, Mr. 
Bowes, France; 17th, Sir John Forster; 18th, Flanders; 
19th, Mr. Sturmius; 20th, France; 21st, Mr. Bowes; 23rd, 
Mr. Selby; 27th, Mr, Bowes, Flanders; 29th, France. 

Letters sent to — 3rd, The Earl of Huntingdon, Mr. Bowes; 7th, 
France, Flanders, Ireland; 11th, Ireland; 12th, The Earl of 
Shrewsbury; 13th, Lord Cobham; 14th, Flanders, Mr. Selby; 
16th, Ireland; 17th, France; 18th, Ireland; 19th, Mr. Bowes; 

FBOM DEC. 1570 TO APRIL 1583. 83 

2l8t, Flanders; 22ncl, France; 23rd, The Earl of Huntingdon, 
Mr. Bowes; 24tli^ Ireland; 28tli, The Earl of Huntingdon^ the 
Earl of Shrewsbury, Lord Scroope, Flanders. 

June. 1580. 

Letters received from — 2nd, Ireland, Flanders; 3rd, The Earl of 
Huntingdon; 7th, Mr. Bowes; lOth^ Flanders, the Earl of 
Shrewsbury; 11th, Ireland; 13th, France; 16th, Ireland, 
Flanders; 1 7th, The Earl of Huntingdon ; 18th, France; 19th, 
Mr. Bowes ; 23rd, Flanders ; 25th, The Earl of Shrewsbury ; 
26th, The Earl of Huntingdon ; 29th, The Earl of Shrews- 
bury; 30th, Ireland, Lord Scroope. 

Letters sent to— Ist, Mr. Bowes; 4th, Flanders; 5th, The Earl of 
Huntingdon ; 8th, The Earl of Huntingdon, Mr. Bowes ; 11th, 
Flanders; 12th, The Earl of Huntingdon, Mr. Bowes; 16th, 
Flanders; 18th, Ireland; 20th, France; 22nd, Mr. Stafford, 
the Earls of Shrewsbury and Huntingdon, Mr. Bowes ; 29th, 
The Earl of Huntingdon. 

July. 1580. 

Letters received from — 1st, Mr. Bowes; 2nd, Flanders; 5th, Mr. 
Stafford; 8th, Ireland; 10th, France; 13th, Ireland, the Earl 
of Shrewsbury; 17th, France; 19th, Ireland, Flanders; 21st, 
France; 23rd, Lord Scroope, Mr. Stafford; 26th, Sir W. 
Mildmay; 27th, Mr. Bowes; 29th, Flanders, France. 

Letters sent to — 2nd, The Earl of Huntingdon, Flanders; 6th, 
The Earls of Shrewsbury and Huntingdon, Lord Scroope; 
7th, France; 11th, Lord Scroope, Sir John Forster; 12th, 
France, Flanders; 13th, Ireland, France; 22nd, The Earls 
of Huntingdon and Shrewsbury, Sir W. Mildmay; 23rd, 
Flanders; 25th, Mr. Bowes; 27th, Sir Hen. Cobham, Mr. 
Stafford, the Earl of Shrewsbury, Sir W. Mildmay, Mr. 


Bowes, the Earl of Huntingdon; 29th, Mr. Bowes, the Bp. 
of Durham; 30th, Flanders. 

August. 1580. 

Letters received from — 3rd, Ireland; 4th, The Earl of Huntingdon, 
Flanders; 5th, The Ambassador in France and Mr. Stafford; 
6th, Mr. Bowes, The Earl of Huntingdon; 9th, Berwick; 
10th, Ireland; 12th, Ireland; 13th, France, Flanders, Sir 
W. Mildmay; I7th, Ireland, Lord Scroope; 24th, France, 
Flanders; 25th, Mr. Bowes, the Earl of Himtingdon ; 27th, 
Ireland; 29th, France. 

Letters sent to — 4th, Berwick; 6th, Flanders; 10th, The Earl of 
Huntingdon, Sir W. Mildmay, Ireland, Mr. Bowes; 16th, 
Mr. Bowes, Lord Scroope; 18th, France; 19th, France; 
20th, Flanders; 27th, Flanders, the Earl of Huntingdon, 
Lord Scroope, Ireland, the Earl of Shrewsbury, Mr. Bowes, 
Sir W. Mildmay; 30th, France. 


September. 1580. 

Letters received from — 3rd, Ireland, Flanders; 6th, Ireland; 7th, 

Flanders; 8th, The Earl of Huntingdon; 9th, France, Mr. 

Bowes; 14th, France; 15th, France, Flanders; 18th, Mr. 

Bowes; 19th, Ireland, the Earl of Huntingdon ; 22nd, France; 

24th, Ireland; 25th, Ireland; 26th, Ireland; 29th, France, 

Flanders; 30th, Mr. Bowes, the Earl of Huntingdon, Mr. 

Letters sent to — 1st, Mr. Bowes; 3rd, Flanders; 5th, The Earl of 

Huntingdon, Sir W. Mildmay, Mr. Bowes; 10th, France, Mr. 

Bowes; llth. Lord Scroope, Sir John Forstcr, Mr. Selbie; 

12th, The Earl of Shrewsbury, Sir W. Mildmay; 17th, 

France, Flanders; 19th, Mr. Bowes; 20th, Sir W. Mildmay ; 

24th, Flanders; 25th, Ireland, Mr. Bowes; 27lh, Ireland, the 

FBOM DEC. 1570 TO APRIL 1583. 85 

Earl of Rutland; 28th, Ireland; 30th, Ireland, the Earl of 

October. 1580. 

Letters received from — 4th, Ireland; 6th, Ireland, Mr. Bowes; 
10th, Mr. Bowes, France; 12th, France, Flanders, the Earl of 
Huntingdon; 13th, Mr. Bowes, Mr. Selbj; 14th, Flanders; 
16th, France; 17th, Mr. Selby at Berwick, the Earl of Hun- 
tingdon; 2l8t, France, Flanders; 22nd, Mr. Bowes; 26th, 
Mr. Bowes; 27th, Flanders; 29th, The Earl of Huntingdon; 
30th, Mr. Bowes, and Mr. Selby at Berwick ; 31st, France, 
Sir John Forster. 

Letters sent to — 1st, Flanders, Mr. Bowes ; 3rd, Sir John Forster, 
Mr. Selby; 4th, The Earl of Huntingdon; 5th, Ireland; 7th, 
France; 8th, France, Mr. Bowes, the Earl of Huntingdon; 
11th, The Mayor of Bristol; 12th, The officers of the Port of 
Dover; 13th, The Commissioners at Dover; 14th, Ireland; 
15th, Flanders; 20th, The Commissioners at Chester, the 
Earl of Huntingdon; 22nd, Flanders; 23rd, The Earl of 
Derby; 24th, The Earls of Shrewsbury and Huntingdon; 
26th, The Earl of Huntingdon, the Archbp. of York, Mr. 
Bowes, Sir John Forster, the Bp. of Durham, Lord Scroope, 
the Bp. of Carlisle; 28th, France; 29th, Flanders; 30th, 
Mr. Bowes and Mr. Selby at Berwick ; 31st, Berwick. 

November. 1580. 

Letters received from — 1st, Ireland ; 3rd, Flanders, the Archbp. of 
York; 4th, Mr. Selbie, the Earl of Huntingdon, Lord Cob- 

Letters sent to — 1st, The Prince of Orange; 4th, Lord Cobham. 


December. 1580. 

Letters received from — 7th, Berwick; 8tli, France, Ireland; lOtb, 
Flanders; 11th, Ireland; 13th, Berwick, the Earl of Hunt- 
ingdon; 16th, Flanders; 18th, France; 2l6t, Sir Hen. Cob- 
ham, Mr. Stafford ; 25th, Ireland ; 29th, The Earl of Hunt- 

Letters sent to — 7th, Berwick, the Earl of Huntingdon; 10th, 
Flanders; 14th, Ireland, Sir John Forster; 17th, Flanders; 
20th, France ; 22nd, Ireland ; 23rd, Ireland, the Earl of Hunt- 
ingdon, the Archbp. of York, the Bp. of Durham, the Bp. of 
Carlisle; 24th, France, Flanders; 30th, The Earl of Shrews- 

Januaby. 1581. 

Letters received from — 3rd, France; 4th, The Earl of Shrews- 
bury; 5th, Mr. Bowes, Sir John Forster; 6th, Flanders; 7th, 
Mr. Bowes; 10th, The Earl of Huntingdon, the Archbp. of 
York, the Bp. of Durham; 11th, France, Flanders; 13th, 
Mr. Randolph; 15th, Mr. Bowes; 16th, Ireland, the Earl of 
Huntingdon; 19th, France; 20th, The Earl of Huntingdon, 
the Archbp. of York; 21st, Flanders, the Earl of Huntingdon, 
Mr. Randolphe, Mr. Bowes; 23rd, Mr. Bowes, the Earl of 
Huntingdon, Mr. Randolph, Lord Hunsdon ; 25th, The Low 
Countries; 27th, Mr. Randolph, the Earl of Huntingdon; 
28th, The Earl of Huntingdon, Lord Hunsdon, France; 30th, 
The Earl of Huntingdon, Lord Hunsdon; 31st, Lord Huns- 
don, the Earl of Huntingdon, France. 

Letters sent to — 1st, Flanders; 3rd, Ireland, France; 5th, The Earl 
of Huntingdon, the Archbp. of York, the Bp. of Durham, Mr. 
Bowes; 7th, Mr. Bowes, the Earl of Huntingdon, Lord 
Scroope, Sir John Forster, Flanders; 8th, Mr. Randolph; 


FBOM DEC. 1570 TO APRIL 1583. 87 

9tli, The Archbp. of York ; 15th, Mr. Bowes, the Earl of 
Huntingdon, the Earl of Derby; 16th, Ireland; 17th, France, 
Ireland, the Earl of Huntingdon, Lord Hunsdon, Mr. Bowes ; 
20th, The Earl of Huntingdon, Lord Hunsdon, Mn Bowes, 
Mr. Randolphe; 21st, The Earl of Huntingdon; 25th, The 
Earl of Huntingdon, Mr. Kandolph, Mr. Bowes, Lord Huns- 
don ; 28th, Mr. Bandolphe, Lord Hunsdon, the Earl of Hunt- 
ingdon; 29th, Ireland, Chester; Slst, Lord Hunsdon, the 
Earl of Huntingdon. 

February. 1581. 

Letters received from — 1st, The Earl of Huntingdon, the Low 
Countries; 3rd, The Earl of Huntingdon, France; 8th, Lord 
Hunsdon, the Earl of Huntingdon, Ireland; 9th, Chester, the 
Earl of Shrewsbury; 12th, Mr. Kandolphe, the Earl of Hunt- 
ingdon; 14th, Mr. Kandolphe, Lord Hunsdon, the Earl of 
Huntingdon; 15th, France; 16th, Scotland, Lord Hunsdon, 
the Earl of Huntingdon; 17th, France, Flanders; 20th, Lord 
Hunsdon, the Earl of Huntingdon, the Earl of Derby; 24th, 
Newcastle; 28th, France. 

Letters sent to — 1st, France; 3rd, The Earl of Huntingdon, Lord 
Hunsdon ; 7th, The Earl of Huntingdon ; 13th, The Earl of 
Huntingdon; 16th, Scotland, Lord Hunsdon, the Earl of 
Huntingdon, Mr. Randolphe; 19th, Flanders; 20th, Lord 
Hunsdon ; 27th, France, Ireland. 

March. 1581. 

Letters received from — 1st, The Earl of Huntingdon ; 2nd, Chester, 
Ireland, Flanders, the Earl of Huntingdon ; 3rd, The Earl of 
Huntingdon, Lord Hunsdon ; 5th, Flanders, Ireland ; 6th, 
Chester; 7th, The Earl of Huntingdon; 8th, Chester; 9th, 
The Earl of Huntingdon, Sir John Forster ; 10th, The Earl of 


Huntingdon; Idth^ Chester; 14th^ The Earl of Huntingdon, 
Lord Hunsdon ; 15^1^ The Earl of Huntingdon, Lord Huns- 
don, Mr. Bandolphe^ Chester; 18th, France; 19th, Chester 
22nd, The Earl of Huntingdon, Lord Hunsdon, Mr. Bandolphe 
24th, The Earl of Huntingdon, Lord Hunsdon, Lord Cobham 
25th, The Earl of Huntingdon, Lord Hunsdon, Lord Cobham 
26th, Lord Cobham ; 28th, Lord Cobhara ; 29th, The Earl of 
Huntingdon ; 30th^ The Earl of Huntingdon, Lord Hunsdon, 
Ireland; 31st, Lord Cobham, The Earl of Huntingdon, the 
Earl of Rutland, France, Flanders. 
Letters sent to — 1st, The Earl of Huntingdon, Lord Hunsdon; 
2nd, The Earl of Huntingdon ; 4th, The Dean of York, Mr. 
Rookby ; 7th, The Earl of Huntingdon, Lord Hunsdon ; 11 th. 
Bland at Chester, Beverlay at Bristol; 12th, Mr. Antony 
Digby, Sir Bobt. Constable, Mr. John Dorrington, Mr. Geo, 
Byston of Cheshire ; 18th, The Earl of Huntingdon, Lord 
Hunsdon, Flanders ; 22nd, The Earl of Huntingdon ; 24th, 
The Earl of Huntingdon, Lord Hunsdon, Lord Cobham ; 27th, 
The Earl of Huntingdon, Lord Hunsdon, Mr. Bandolphe, 
Chester, Bristol, Ireland ; 28th, Lord Cobham, Sir H. Crum- 
well; 29th, Lord Cobham; 31st, Lord Cobham. 

April. 1581. 

Letters received from— 1st, The Earl of Huntingdon; 3rd, Lord 
Hunsdon; 4th, Lord Cobham; 5th, Lord Hunsdon, France ; 
6th, Flanders ; 7th, The Earl of Huntingdon, Lord Cobham ; 
8th, Lord Hunsdon; 10th, Lord Cobham, Chester; 11th, The 
Archbp. of York, Flanders; 12th, The Earl of Huntingdon; 
13th, France; 15th, Lord Cobham; 16th, Ireland, Chester, 
Flanders; 17th, Lord Cobham, Lord Hunsdon, the Earl of 
Huntingdon; 18th, Lord Cobham; 19th, Lord Cobham, 
Flanders, the Earl of Huntingdon, Chester ; 20th, The Earl of 
Huntingdon; 23rd, The Earl of Huntingdon, Chester; 24th, 


FBOM DEC. 1570 TO APRIL 1583. 89 

* The Earl of Huntingdon ; 26th, Lord Hunsdon ; 27th, The 
Earls of Shrewsbury and Huntingdon, Chester; 28th, The 
Earl of Huntingdon, Flanders; 30th, Mr. Bowes. 
Letters sent to — 2nd, The Earl of Huntingdon, Lord Cobham ; 4th, 
Lord Cobham; 6th, The Earl of Huntingdon, Lord Huns- 
don; 7th, The Earl of Huntingdon, Lord Cobham; 8th 
Lord Cobham; 9th, The Earl of Huntingdon, Lord Huns 
don; 11th, France; 12th, Ireland, Chester, Lord Cobham 
13th, The Earl of Huntingdon, the Archbp. of York ; 16th 
Flanders; 17th, Lord Cobham; 18th, Lord Cobham; 19th 
Lord Cobham ; 24th, The Earl of Huntingdon, Lord Huns 
don. Lord Scroope, France, Chester, the Earl of Shrewsbury 
Sir John Foster; 28th, Flanders. 

May. 1581. 

Letters received from — 1st, Flanders; 3rd, Chester, Ireland; 7th, 
Chester, Lord Hunsdon; 10th, The Earl of Huntingdon, 
France, Chester; 11th, The Earl of Shrewsbury; 12th, 
Flanders, Lord Hunsdon ; 13th, Chester; 1 7th, Ireland; 19th, 
Ireland, Flanders; 20th, Ireland; 21st, Lord Hunsdon, Lord 
Scroope ; 22nd, Lord Hunsdon ; 23rd, France, Lord Hunsdon, 
the Earl of Huntingdon, Lord Scroope; 27th, Flanders; 
28th, Chester. 

Letters sent to — 1st, The Earl of Huntingdon, Lord Hunsdon; 
5th, France; 6th, Flanders; 7th, The Earl of Shrewsbury; 
9th, Ireland, the Earl of Huntingdon, Lord Hunsdon ; 10th, 
Dover; 15th, Dover; I7th, The Earl of Huntingdon, Lord 
Hunsdon; 19th, Ireland; 20th, Flanders; 23rd, Lord Huns- 
don ; 24th, The Earl of Shrewsbury ; 26th, Lord Hunsdon, 
Mr. Bowes; 27th, Flanders; 28th, Chester. 

June. 1581. 

Letters received from — 1st, France, Flanders; 3rd, France; 8th, 
Sir John Foster, Lord Hunsdon, France; 9th, Flanders, Lord 
Scroope; 10th, Lord Hunsdon; 11th, Lord Hunsdon; 14th, 




France, Lord Cobham ; IStli, Lord Cobham, Chester; lOtti, 
Flanders; 17tli, Lord Gobbam, Flanders^ the Archbp. of 
York; 19tb, France, the Earl of Huntingdon; 20th, Lord 
Hunsdon; 22nd, Flanders, Lord Hnnsdon; 25th, France; 
28th, Flanders, Chester, the Earl of Derby; 30th, Flanders. 
Letters sent to — 2nd, Ireland; 3rd, France; 4th, The Earl of Hunt^ 
ingdon, Lord Hunsdon, the Earl of Shrewsbury, France; 9th, 
Lord Hunsdon; 10th, Flanders; 12th, The Earl of Hunting- 
don, Lord Scroope; 13th, Ireland, Lord Cobham; 15th, 
Lord Cobham, Lord Hunsdon, the Earl of Shrewsbury, Flan- 
ders, the Bishop of Durham; 19th, The Archbp. of York; 
20th, Dover; 21st, Dover; 23rd, Lord Hunsdon, the Earl of 
Huntingdon, Ireland, Chester; 28th, Lord Hunsdon; 30th, 
The Earl of Shrewsbury. 

July. 1581. 

Letters received from — 1st, Lord Hunsdon; 2nd, France; 6th, 
Lord Hunsdon; 7th, France; 8th, Lord Hunsdon, Lord 
Scroope, Sir John Foster; 10th, France; 11th, Lord Huns- 
don, Flanders; 13th, Lord Cobham, Flanders; 14th, France; 
15th, Ireland; 17th, France; 19th, Lord Scroope; 20th, 
Flanders; 21st, Chester. 

Letters sent to — 2nd, France; 6th, Lord Hunsdon; 8th, Flanders; 
9th, Chester, Lord Scroop, Lord Cobham; 11th, France; 13th, 
Lord Cobham, Lord Hunsdon, the Earl of Huntingdon; 14th, 
The Lieutenant of Dover Castle, France, Lord Hunsdon, Lord 
Scroope, Sir John Forster; 16th, The Lieutenant of Dover; 
17th, The Earls of Shrewsbury and Derby, Chester; 18th, 
Ireland, Chester; 19th, France; 21st, France, the Earls of 
Shrewsbury and Huntingdon, Lords Hunsdon and Scroope, 
Sir John Foster. 

from dec. 1570 to april 1583. 91 

September. 1581. 

Letters received from — 29th, Lord Cobham. 
Letters sent to — 27th, France; 30th, The Earl of Huntingdon, 
Lord Hunsdon, Lord Scroope, Flanders. 

October. 1581. 

Letters received from — 10th, Mr. Sommers; 12th, France, Dover; 
13th, The Earl of Shrewsbury ; 14th, Ireland; 15th, Chester, 
Flanders; 18th, Sir John Foster, the Bp. of Durham; 20th, 
Chester, Ireland; 21st, Dover; 22nd, Flanders; 27th, France; 
28th, Flanders; 30th, The Earl of Shrewsbury ; 3l8t, Ireland. 

Letters sent to — 9th, The Lieutenant of Dover ; 10th, Mr. Sommers, 
France; 11th, The Lord Treasurer at Theobalds; 12th, 
Ireland; 16th, Flanders, Ireland; 18th, The Earl of Kutland; 
19th, Mr. Sommers; 2l8t, Dover; 23rd, Berwick, Lord 
Scroope ; 28th, the Bp. of Durham, the Marshal of Berwick ; 
31st, The Earl of Shrewsbury, Lord Scroope. 

November. 1581. 

Letters received from— 1st, Berwick, Mr. Sommers; 3rd, Mr. 
Bobert Bowes; 5th, France; 6th, Flanders, Mr. Bowes; 7th, 
Berwick, Mr. Bowes; 8th, Dover; 10th, France, Flanders, 
Ireland, Chester; 11th, Lord Scroope; 13th, Mr. Bowes; 
17th, The Earl of Shrewsbury, Mr. Beale; 19th, Lord 
Scroope, the Archbp. of York, the Bp. of Durham; 20th, 
France, Mr. Beale; 22nd, The Marshal of Berwick; 24th, 
Flanders, the Archbp. of Canterbury; 25th, The Earl of 
Shrewsbury, Mr. Beale; 27th, The Earl of Shrewsbury, Mr. 

Letters sent to — 1st, The Earl of Rutland; 2nd, The Earl of 
Shrewsbury, Chester, France; 3rd, Ireland; 8th, Berwick, to 


Stay Mr. Erington, Dover; llth, Flanders, the Earl of Rut- 
land, the Archbp. of York, the Bp. of Durham, Dover; 14th, 
The Earl of Shrewsbury, the Archbp. of York, the Bishop of 
Durham; I5th, The Archbp. of York, the Bp. of Durham; 
I8th, France; 25th, The Archbp. of York, the Bishop of 

December. 1581. 

Letters received from — Ist, The Earl of Shrewsbury, Mr. Beale, 
Ireland, Mr. Bowes; 4th, France, the Earl of Shrewsbury; 
5th, Flanders, Mr. Selby, Mr. Bowes; 8th, The Marshal of 
Berwick, Mr. Selby; 10th, Sir John Foster; 16th, Mr. Bowes; 
17th, France; 20th5 The Marshal of Berwick; 21st, Ireland; 
22nd, Chester, Lord Cobham ; 23rd5 Mr. Selby, the Marshal 
of Berwick; 24th, France; 27th, France; 29th, The Earl of 
Shrewsbury ; 30th, Lord Scroope, Mr. Bowes, Flanders. 

Letters sent to — 4th, The Bp. of Durham ; 7th, France ; 8th, 
Dover; 9th, Flanders, Mr. Bowes, Mr. Selby; llth, Dover; 
12th, Ireland, Dover; 13th, Dover; 14th, Dover; 15th, 
Dover; I7th, The Earl of Shrewsbury; 28th, Ireland. 

January. 1582. 

Letters received frofti — 3rd, France; 7th, Dover; 8th, Dover; 
9th, Ireland, the Earl of Shrewsbury; llth, Ireland; 12th, 
Flanders; 13th, France; 15th, Flanders, Ireland; 16th, Mr. 
Bowes; 20th, France; 21st, Chester, Flandera; 22nd, 
Ireland; 28th, Flanders; 31st, Mr. Bowes, Lord Scroope. 

Letters sent to — 1st, Ireland, Lord Scroope; 4th, France; 6th, 
Flanders; 8th, The Earl of Shrewsbury; 9th, France; llth, 
Ireland, the Earl of Derby, Lord Scroopq, the Archbp. of 
York, the Bp. of Durham; 13th, Flanders; 20th, The Earl of 
Shrewsbury; 23rd, Mr. Bowes; 27th, Flanders; 29th, Ireland; 
31st, The Bp. of Durham, the Earl of Shrewsbury. 


from dec. 1570 to april 1683. 93 

February. 1582. 

Letters received from — 1st, The Earl of Derby; 2nd, France; 3rd, 
Flanders; 4th, Ireland, France; 6th, The Earl of Shrewsbury ; 
7th, Mr. Beverley at Chester, the gentleman porter of Ber- 
wick; 9th, Flanders; 10th, Ireland; 16th, France; 17th, 
Ireland; 20th, Berwick; 22nd, Berwick; 24th, The Low 
Countries; 25th, The Earl of Shrewsbury; 26th, France; 28th, 
France, Lord Scroope. 

Letters sent to — 1st, France, the Earl of Derby, the Archbp. of 
York; 2nd, Lord Scroope; 7th and 11th, The Low Countries ; 
14th, Flanders, France ; 15th, The Earl of Shrewsbury, the 
gentleman porter of Berwick; 18th, The Low Countries; 
19th, Berwick ; 21st, Sir Richard Bukeley, Dover; 25th, Sir 
Richard Bukeley, the Sheriff of Cheshire. 

March. 1582. 

Letters received from — 3rd, Ireland, Chester, Flanders; 4th, Sir 
Richard Bukeley; 7th, France; 11th, Lord Scroope; 13th, 
Mr. Selby; 15th, Ireland; 16th, France; I7th, Chester; 18th, 
Lord Scroope; 19th, Beaumaris, Ireland, Flanders; 20th, 
The Marshal of Berwick; 21st, Flanders; 23rd, Flanders, by 
Mr. Rawley; 24th, Chester; 28th, Lord Scroope; 29th, 

Letters sent to — Ist, The Archbp. of York, the Bp. of Durham; 
4th, Flanders; 6th, Lord Scroope, the Earl of Shrewsbury; 
8th, France, Ireland; 16th, Chester, the Earl of Derby; 19th, 
Rye; 22nd, The Archbp. of York; 26th, Dover; 28th, The 
Earl of Shrewsbury; 29th, Ireland, Sir Richard Bukely; 
30th, Berwick. 


April. 1582. 

Letters received from — 2nd, France^ Flanders; 4th, Ireland; 5th, 

Ireland; 11th, Flanders, Chester, the Earl of Shrewsbury; 

18th, Chester, Ireland, the Earl of Shrewsbury; 20th, Ireland; 

26th, France; 27th, Flanders; 28th, Lord Scroope; 29th, 

Flanders; 30th, The Marshal of Berwick. 
Letters sent to — 6th, The Earl of Shrewsbury; 7th, France; 26th, 

Chester; 27th, France, Berwick; 28th, Ireland, Flanders. 

May. 1582. 

Letters received from — 2nd, Flanders; 5th, Sir John Foster; 6th, 
Ireland; 7th, France; 8th, The Marshal of Berwick; 14th, 
Ireland; 15th, Ireland; 18th, Flanders, France; 19th, The 
Marshal of Berwick, the Earl of Shrewsbury; 20th, The Earl 
of Derby; 23rd, Ireland; 26th, The Earl of Shrewsbury; 
30th, Berwick; 31st, Flanders. 

Letters sent to — 2nd, Ireland; 5th, Flanders; 12th, Dover, Sand- 
wich; i6th. The Archbp. of York, the Bp. of Durham; 
19th, Dover, Lord Scroope; 24th, Lord Scroope; 25th, The 
Earl of Rutland. 

June. 1582. 

Letters received from — 2nd, Ireland; 3rd, France; 4th, Ireland; 

6th, The Earl of Shrewsbury, Lord Scroope; 7th, Flanders; 

9th, Ireland; 13th, France; 14th, Ireland; 15th, . Ireland; 

17th, France, Berwick; 20th, Ireland; 23rd, Flanders; 27th, 

Ireland; 28th, Dover; 29th, Irelfmd; 30th, France, Low 

Countries, Germany. 
Letters sent to — 7th, France; 17th, the Bp. of Durham; 23rd, 

Flanders, Ireland; 25th, Ireland; 26th, Dover, the Earl of 



from dec. 1570 to april 1583. 95 

July. 1582. 

Letters received from-— Ist, France; 3r3, The Earl of Shrewsbury, 
Lord Scroope; 5th, The Low Countries; 8th, Ireland; 12th, 
Lord Cobham, the Low Countries; 15th, Ireland, the Earl of 
Shrewsbury; 16th, Lord Scroope; 17th, Lord Willoughby, 
the Earl of Shrewsbury, France; 19th, Ireland, the Earl of 
Shrewsbury; 22nd, Ireland; 23rd, Berwick; 24th, The Low 
Countries; 26th, The Low Countries; 29th, France. 

Letters sent to— 2nd, The Low Countries; 4th, France; 7th, The 
Low Countries; 8th, Willoughby; 9th, Berwick; 14th, The 
Low Countries; 21st, The Low Countries; 24th, France; 
25th, Berwick, France; 29th, The Earl of Shrewsbury. 

August. 1582. 

Letters received from — 5th, France; 7th, The Earl of Shrews- 
bury, the Lord Chamberlain; 8th, The Low Countries, Sir 
Walter Mildmay; 22nd, The Earl of Shrewsbury, the Earl 
of Sussex; 29th, Sir Henry Wodrington, Lord Scroope; 
30th, Mr. Selby, the Low Countries; 3l8t, Lord Scroope, 

Letters sent to — Ist, The Lord Chamberlain; 2nd, The Earl of 
Shrewsbury; 3rd, Lord Cobham; 4th, The Low Countries, 
Berwick, Sir Walter Mildmay; 11th, Flanders; 21st, The 
Earls of Sussex and Shrewsbury; 29th, Sir Henry Wod- 
rington, Lord Scroope, the Earl of Shrewsbury ; 31st, France. 

September. 1582. 

Letters received from — 1st, The Earl of Shrewsbury, the Low 
Countries; 2nd, The Lord Willoughby; 3rd, The Earl of 
Shrewsbury ; 9th, The Earl of Shrewsbury, Sir (Jeorge Cary, 
Mr. Selby; 11th, Sir George Cary, Mr. Bowes; 12th, Sir 
John Foster; 13th, Sir George Cary; 18th, Sir Walter Mild- 


may ; 19tli, France, Sir Henry Wodrington, the Earl of Rut- 
land, Mr. Selby; 21st, Sir George Gary; Mr* Bowes ; 22nd, 
Sir John Foster; 24th, Sir George Gary, Mr. Bowes, Sir John 
Foster ; 25th, Sir George Gary, Mr. Bowes. 
Letters sent to — 1st, The Earl of Shrewsbury, Sir George Gary, Sir 
Walter Mildmay ; 2nd, The Low Gountries ; 8th, France, the 
Low Gountries, Scotland ; 9th, The Earl of Shrewsbury; llth, 
Sir George Gary, Mr. Bowes; 13th, Sir George Gary, the 
Earl of Shrewsbury, Sir Walter Mildmay, Sir John Foster, 
Mr. Bandolphe; 15th, The Marshal of Berwick, Sir George 
Gary, Lord Scroope, the Earl of Rutland; 18th, The Lord 
Ghief Baron; 21st, Sir George Gary, Mr. Bowes ; 22nd, Sir 
John Foster, the Low Gountries ; 26th, The Earls of Shrews- 
bury and Rutland, France. 

October. 1582. 

Letters received from — Ist, Sir George Garey, Mr. Bowes; 3rd, 
Sir George Garey, Mr. Bowes ; 4th, Sir George Carey ; 5th, 
Ireland, Sir Walter Mildmay; 9th, France, Scotland; llth. 
Sir George Gary, the Low Gountries; 12th, Ireland; 15th, 
Scotland; 16th, Scotland, Ireland; 22nd, Mr. Bowes; 23rd, 
Mr. Bowes. 

Letters sent to — 2nd, Ireland ; 5th, Mr. Randolph, Ware ; 6th, Sir 
George Garey, Mr. Bowes ; 7th, Sir George Garey, Mr. Ran- 
dolphe, Mr. Fanshawe; llth. Sir George Garey; 13th, The 
Low Gountries; 18th, Mr. Bowes; 19th, France, Lord 
Gobham, the Lieutenant of Dover ; 20th, The Low Gountries ; 
22nd, The Earl of Shrewsbury. 

November. 1582. 

Letters received from— -Ist, Ireland; 4th, France; 5th, Mr. Bowes; 
6th, Mr. Bowes; llth, Mr. Bowes; 13th, Mr. Bowes; 18th, 
Scotland, the Low Gountries; 2 Ist, Mr. Bowes; 25th, France; 


FROM DEC. 1570 TO APRIL 1583. 91 

26th, The Low Countries; 27th, Dover, Mr. Bowes; 30th, 
France, the Earl of Huntingdon, the Earl of Shrewsbury. 
Letters sent to — 3rd, Ireland; 9th, France, Mr. Bowes; 10th, 
Ireland; 15th, Mr. Bowes, Lord Scroope; 16th, Mr. Ran- 
dolphe. Lord Cobham ; 18th, The Low Countries; 2l8t, 
Ireland ; 26th, The Earl of Shrewsbury; 28th, France. 

December. 1582. 

Letters received from — 2nd, The Low Countries, Mr. Bowes, the 
Archbp. of York, Lord Scroope, the Earl of Butland ; 6th, 
The Earl of Huntingdon; 12th, Mr. Bowes, France; 13th» 
Mr. Bowes, Dover, Lord Cobham; 16th, Mr. Bowes; 19th, 
Mr. Bowes; 2l8t, Mr. Bowes; 22nd, The Low Countries, 
Ireland; 24th, Mr. Bowes; 26th, Mr. Andersone of New- 
castle; 27th, Dover; 28th, Mr. Davison, Mr, Bowes; 29th, 
Dover; 30th, Dover, France. 

Letters sent to— 1st, The Low Countries ; 2nd, Dover, the Lord 
Treasurer; 3rd, Mr. Bowes, the Earl of Shrews'bury, the 
Mayor of Newcastle ; 6th, The Earl of Huntingdon, Ireland ; 
11th, The Earl of Huntingdon; 14th, Dover, Lord Cobham, 
France; 15th, Mr. Bowes; 17th, Ireland; 25th, Ireland; 
27th, Dover, Mr. Bowes, Mr. Anderson; 28th, Mr. Davison, 
Mr. Beale ; 30th, Mr. Bowes, Mr. Davison, Capt. Case, Mr. 

January. 1583. 

Letters received from — 1st, The Earl of Huntingdon, Capt. Case, 
Mr. Selby; 3rd, Sir Henry Wodrington; 4th, Mr. Bowes, 
Mr. Selby, the Low Countries, Germany, Mr. Davison ; 5th, 
Sir John Foster, Mr. Davison, the Low Countries; 8th, Sir 
George Carey; 10th, Mr. Bowes, Mr. Davison; 11th, Flan- 
ders, Germany; 12th, Ireland, France, Flanders; 13th, Mr. 
Bowes; 14thy France, Scotland; 16th, The Low Countries, 



Dover; 17tli, The Low Countries; 22nd, Mr. Bowes, Mr. 
Ddvison; 24th, Sir W. Russell; 25th, Mr. Bowes, Mr. 
Davison ; 26th, The Low Countries ; 28th, The Low 
Countries, France; 31st, France, Flanders. 
Letters sent to — 1st, The Earl of Shrewsbury ; 4th, France ; 5th, 
The Low Countries; 6th, Sir John Foster, Mr. Randolph; 
8th, Sir George Carey, Dover, Mr. Wotton ; 9th, Mr. Bowes, 
Mr. Davison; 10th, Flanders, Mr. Bowes, Mr. Davison; 12th, 
Mr. Wotton at Gravesend, Sir G;eorge Carey; 17th, Dover; 
.24th, Mr. Bowes, Mr. Davison; 26th, The Low Countries; 
27th, Sir John Foster; 29th, Scotland, Dover; 30th, The 
Earl of Orinond. 

February. 1583. 

Letters received from — 2nd, Ireland ; 3rd, Lord Scroope, the Low 
Countries; 5th, Mr. Bowes, Mr. Davison; 7th, Lord Scroope; 
12th, France, Scotland; 16th, The Low Countries, Mr. Bowes, 
Mr. Davison; 17th, Mr. Darcy, Ireland; 18th, The Earl of 
Shrewsbury; 20th, France, Mr. Bowes, Mr. Davison, the 
Dean of York, Mr. Cheeke ; 21st, The Mayor and Searcher of 
Dover; 26th, Mr. Bowes, Mr. Davison; 27th, The Earl of 

Letters sent to — 4th, Ireland, France; 6th, Mr. Bowes, Mr. Davison, 
Lord Scroope, Sir John Foster; 10th, The Low Countries; 
14th, The Dean of York, Mr. Cheeke ; 18th, Flanders; 20th, 
Scotland ; 23rd, The Mayor and Searcher of Dover, France ; 
24th, Mr. Bowes, Mr. Davison; 25th, Lord Scroope; 27th, 
Mr. Bowes, Mr. Davison. 

March 1583. 

Letters received from — 2nd, Lord Scroope, Flanders; 3rd, The 
Low Countries, France; 6th, France, Ireland; 10th, Mr. 
Bowes, Mr, Davison; 13th, The Low Countries; .14th, Sir 


FROM DEC. 1570 TO APRIL 1583. 99 

John Foster; 15th, Mr. Bowes, Mr. Davison; 16th, Lord 
Scroope; 19th, France; 22nd, Mr. Bowes, Mr. Davison, the 
Bishop of Durham; 24th, The Low Countries; 25 th, Ireland; 
26th, Mr. Fenton in Munster; 27th, Mr. Boys in Kent; 29th, 
Dover; 30th, France, the Earl of Shrewsbury; 31st, France, 
Letters sent to — 2nd, Mr. Davison, Mr, Bowes, Silr John Foster; 
4th, Ireland; 5th, The Earl of Ormond; 9th, Mr. Bowes, Mr. 
Davison; 14th, France, Scotland; 15th, Lord Cobham; 16th, 
The Earl of Shrewsbury, the Low Countries ; 25th, The Earl 
of Ormond ; 29th, France, Scotland, the Bishop of Durham. 

April. 1583. 

Letters received from — 3rd, Scotland, the Bp. of Durham, Rouen ; 
5th, Mr. Sommers; 11th, Ireland; 13th, Mr. Bowes; 14th, 
Ireland; 16th, Mr. Sommers; 18th, France, Flanders; 23rd, 
The Earl of Shrewsbury; 24th, Lord Scroope; 28th, The 
Earl of Shrewsbury ; 29th, Mr. Bowes. * 

Letters sent to — 4th, France, the Lieutenant of Dover ; 7th, The 
Earl of Shrewsbury; 8th, Dover; 12th, The Lieutenant of 
Dover, the Earl of Rutland; 16th, Scotland, Dover, M. du 
Baix; 17th, Flanders; 25th, Mr. Bowes; 26th, The Earl of 



Abbeyille, 3 
Aberstain, 21 
Abingdon, 21 
Acskin, Alexander, 8 
Acton, 20 
Admiral of England; see 

Clinton, Lord 
of France ; see 

Admiralty, Jndge of, 2 

officers of, 18 

Adyocate Fiscal, 22 
Alen9on, Duke of; see 

Anjon, Francis, Dnke of 
Alost, 46 
Altoun, Mr. 27 
Amiens, 3 
Anjon, Francis, Dnke of, 87, 

38, 39, 40, 44, 46, 46, 48 
— — - Henry, Dnke of; see 

Henry III. K of France 
Antoine, Mons. 13 
Antwerp, St. George's 

Chnrch at, 1 
Argyle, Conntess of, 22 
Amolde, Mr. Richard, 20 
Artus, Mons. 10 
Astloe, D. 1 
Attorney General; see Ger- 

rarde, Sir Gilbert 
* Aubigny, Baron of, 15, 16,29 
Austria, Don John of, 29, 33, 


Bacon, Sir Nicholas, Lord 

Keeper, 19, 34 
Bacqneville, Mons. de, 46 
Ba^hot, 21 
Baix, Mons. dn, 46, 48 
Balford, Duncan, 6 
Bardte, — , 28 
Bam Elms, Walsingham's 

house at, 38, 39, 40, 43, 

44, 46, 46, 47, 48 
Barrate, Mr. 32 

Bashe, Mr. 27, 37 

Bataille, Mons. 10 

Bath, 20 

Battersea, 22 

Baynard, Mons. 12 

Beale, Robert, sent into 
France, 4, 6, 10 

sent into Hol- 
land, 25, 26 

sent into Grer- 

many, 32, 34 

sent to the 

Queen of Scots, 44, 48 

Bedford, Francis Russell, 
Earl of, 6, 21, 41, 42 

Beddington, 25 

Benigfeilde, Mr. 5 

Berkeley Heame, 20 

Berwick, 19 

Bentrecke, Dr. 34, 35 

Bewdley, 23 

Bipons, Duke of; see Zwei- 

Blois, 11, 12 

Blont, Mr. 6 

Blunt, Mr. 27 

Bogg, James, 6 

Bonham, Mr. 20 

Bordesire, Mons. de, 9 

Boulogne, 2 

Governor of; see 


Bourbon, Charles de. Cardi- 
nal, 8 

' Heniy de. Prince 

of Cond^, 39 

iSrancis de, Prince 

of Dauphine, 41 
Boumouzcl, Mons. de, 2, 4 
Bowes, Robert, 33, 38, 40 
Boysot, Mons. 19 
Brandenburg, John George 

Marquis of, 35 
Bretenil, 3 
Bricknar, Thomas, 6 

Briqnemault, Mons. de, 3, 4, 

Brisson, Bamabe, 42 

Bristol, 20, 22 

Brockethall, 23, 27 

Brockenburie, Mr. 21 

Bromley, Sir Thomas, Soli- 
citor General, 24 

BroBsier, Florest, serrant of 
Queen of Scots, 9 

Browne, Sir Valentine, 19 
Christopher, 19 

Bruges, 38 
Brunkerd, Mr. 20 
Bmne, — , 40 
Bnckhnrst, Thomas Sack- 

yille, Lord, 45 
Burford, 20 
Burghley; see Cecil 
Butler, Mr. 27 
Buy, Mons. de, 40 
Byfleet, 28 

Calliac, Monsieur and Ma- 
dame de, 2, 6 
Cammelle, William, 8 
Canterbury, 1, 2, 41, 46 
Carew, Mr. 25 
Carnavalet, Madanxe, 8 
Cartwright, Mr. 9 
Cary, Sir George, 46, 47 
Cassel, Archbiuiop of, 6, 7 
Michel de, 24, 36, 42 
Castruzzi, Ambassador from 

Lucca, 3 
Cavalcanti, Guido, 8, 10, IS 
Cavannes, Mons. de, 11, 12 
Cecil, Sir Wm., Secretary of 
State 1658, Lord Burgh- 
ley 1571, Lord Treasurer 
1672, 1, 2, 11, 12, 14, 15, 
17, 20, 24, 27, 41, 42, 43 
Chamberlain, Lord; see 
Sussex, Earl of 



Chamberlaine, Sir Thoe. 20 
Champagny, Mohb. 26 
Chandos, Lady, 20 
Changy, Mons. de, 9 
Charles IX. King of France, 
3, 4, 9, 10, 11, 14 

■ enters Paris, 5 

■ is hurt, 8 

— his death, 18 

Chartres, Vidame of, Jean 

de Ferriete, 4, 6, 6, 7, 16 
Chastillpn, Cardinal; see 

Coligni, Odet de 

— Madame, 13 

Chene, du, of Brittany, 7 

Chester, Capt. 28 

Cheyneys, 27 

Chnrcham, 20 

Cipion; see Sardigni 

Clapton, Mr. 12 

Clark, James, 6 

Clark, Mr. 21 

Clermont, 3, 6 

Clinton, Edward Lord, Lord 

High Admiral, 25, 32, 41, 

Clond, St. 7 
Cohham, William Brooke, 

Lord, 15, 20, 33, 38 
Cobham, Mr. 6, 9 
Coligni, Odet de. Cardinal 

of Chastillon, 1, 2 
— ^^ Gaspard de. Admiral 

of France, 11 
ColTile, Mr. 47, 48 
Compton, Henry, Lord, 36 
Conde, Herrie de, 8 
— — Prince of; see Bour- 
bon, Henry de 
Corbeil, 8 
Cosse, Arthur, Marshal of 

France, 41 
Cotherer, Mr. 28 
Cotton, Sir Thomas, 7 
Council of Queen Elizabeth, 


21, 22, 32, 33, 44 
Count Palatine; see Rhine 
Coventry, 23 • 
Cox, Ric. Bishop of Ely, 16 
Crayford, a Scot, 20 
Cremer, Mr. a German, 11 
Cromer, Mr. 45 

Dalc,Dr. Valentine, 19, 27, 28 

Dale, Dr. Valentine, Master 
of the Requests, 29 

Dannett, Mr. 5, 11 

Dantzig, 14, 16 

Darcy, Mr. 48 


Danphine, see Bourbon, 
Francis de 

Dayison, William, 26, 29, 31, 
36, 47, 48 

Denis, St. 3, 4, 6, 13 

Denmark, 31, 33, 46 

King of, Frederic 

n. 30 

Ambassador of, 46 

Denye, Henry, 8 
Digby, 11, 13 
Dillon, Mr. 43 
Douglas, Mr. 4 
Doure, Madame, 12 
DoTer, 2, 20, 21, 22, 41, 46 
Mayor of, 16, 17 

Drewry, Sir Wm. 20 
DrisdiJle, John, 8 
Dutton, Mr. 20 

Egerton, Mr. 22 

Eliza^th, Queen, of Eng- 
land, 1, 2, 12, 14, 15, 16, 17, 
18, 24, 26, 29, 30, 31, 33, 
34, 35, 36, 38, 42, 47, 48 
bull published 

against, 6 
— -^— progresses of, 19, 
20, 21, 22, 26, 27, 28, 32, 
37, 39, 40, 45 

treaty for mar- 

riage of, 41, 42 
Elizabeth, Queen of France, 

Ely, Bp. of; <«« Cox, Richard 
Errington, Mr. 44 
Essex, Walter Deyereuz, 

Earl of, 16, 22 
Estampes, 12 
Eton College, 32 

Famar, Mons. de, 30, 32, 34 
Fant, Mr. 12 
Famham, 21, 28 
Famihurst, Lord of, 21 
Fayersham, 45 
Fenelon ; see Motte Fenelon 
Fenton, Mr. 40 
Fergeson, — , 19 

Ferrara, 2 

Fitz- William, Sir Wm. Lord 
Deputy of Ireland, 13, 16 

Flanders; see Low Countries 

Fletewood, William, Re- 
corder of London, 14 

Florence, Ambassador of, 4, 

Flushing, 26 

Governor of, 16 

Foix, Mons. de, French Se- 
cretary, 6, 6, 7, 8, 9, 11 

: going to 

England, 10 

Fortescue, Mr. 17 

Foster, Sir John, 16, 21 

France, 2, 19, 21, 22, 26, 27, 
28, 37, 39, 40, 43 

King of; seeChaxleB 

IX., Henry. III. 

Queen of; m« Eliza- 


Treaty with, 42 
^— ^— Ambassadors of, 1, 

14, 16, 17, 18, 19, 22, 24, 

41, 42, 46 
Franchatto, Capt. 12 
Fremmige, Mr. 32 
Frobisher, Martin, 32 
Fuket, Breton merchant, 11 
Fulham, 17, 19, 21, 22 

Gaillon, 8, 9 
Gascoigne, Mr. 29 
Gastel, Mons. 29, 30, 33 
Gelais-Lansac, Louis de St 

Generall, Mons. 16 
Geneva, 9, 47 
Germany, 14, 28, 32, 33, 34, 

Gerrarde, Sir Gilbert, At- 
torney-General, 17 
Gerrarde, Sir Wm. Lord 

Chancellor of Ireland, 33, 

Ghent, Viscount of, 31 
Gifforde, Walsingham's 

cousin, 21 
Gloucester, 20 
Gondi, Albert de, Duke of 

Retz, 4, 6, 36, 37 
Good, Dr. 1 
Goodwin, Sir John, 24 
Gorhambury, 27 



Grafton, 23 
Gravesend, 2» 41, 43 
Greenwich, 17, 18, 19, 23, 26, 

26, 31, 36, 37, 43, 46, 47 
Grenill, Mr. 46 
Oresham, Sir Thomas, 17, 

Grey, Arthur, Lord, 17 
Gnemsej, 17 

Captain of, 16 

Gnion, Hany, 7 

Hallingbnry Morley, 27 
Hampton Conrt, 16, 17, 21, 

24, 28, 33, 42 
Hanson, Barney Will, 8 
Harbart, Mr. 26 
Harcot, — , 9, 11 
Haselbniy, 20 
Hatfield, 27 
Hatton, Sir Christopher, 

Vice-Chamberlain, 41, 

Hanker, Mr. 20 
Haukin, Roger, 7 
Hayrech, Marquis of, 32, 33, 

34, 36, 36 
Havering, 26 
Hawes, Sir James, Lord 

Mayor of London, 21 
Henneage, Sir Thomas, 37 
Henry fli. King of France, 

7, 8, 10, 26, 33, 36, 37, 

Henry HI. King of Nayarre, 

10, 28, 33, 34, 46, 47 
Heriot, James and Walter, 6 
Hertford, 27 
Edward Seymour, 

Earl of, 41 
Hoddesdon, Mr. 28 
Holland, 26, 28 

Deputies of, 26 

HoUingshed, Mr. 4 
Horsey, Capt. 29, 30 
Hudson, Mr. 27 
Hunsdon, Henry Carey, 

Lord, 33 
Huntingdon, Henry Hast- 
ings, Earl of, 14, 19 

Ireland, 14, 16, 16, 17, 18, 37, 

40, 43 
Lord Chancellor of; 

see Gerrarde, Sir William 

Ireland, Lord Depu^^ of, see 
Fitzwilliam, Sir William; 
Sidney, Sir Henry 

Jacomo, 9 

James YI. King of Scotland, 

James's, St. 23, 26 
Jenkinson, Mr. 31, 33 

Keeper, Lord; see' Bacon, 

Su: Nicholas 
Keyre, Henry, 10 
KiUigrew, Mr. 12, 13, 19, 22 

Henry, 18, 21 

William, 18 

Killingworth, 23 
Kinsbery, 34 
Knowles, Mr. 23 

Landeschadins, 36, 36 
Langley, 20, 23 
Languet, Hubert, 3, 8, 9, 10 
Lansac ; see Gelais Lansac 
Lastall, 16 
Layton, Mr. 18 
Lebaulxin, Mons. 33 
Leicester, Robert Dudley, 

Earl of, 2, 8,12,13,14,21, 

■ his house, 26, 30, 

Leighton, Capt. 19, 34, 36 
Lennox, Esme Stewart, Lord 

of Aubigny, Duke of, 47 
Leslie, John, Bp. of Ross, 1, 

Levenet, Mr. 22 
Lichfield, 23 
Lobetun, Mr. 8 
London, 2, 17, 18, 22, 23, 24, 

26, 26, 27, 29, 30, 31, 34, 

36, 36, 37, 38, 40, 41, 43, 

44, 46, 48 
Lord Mayor of; see 

Hawes, Sir James 
Lopus, Mons. 12 
Lorraine, Charles Duke of, 6 
Claude Duchess 

of, 7 

St. 12 

Louviers, 9 

Low Countries, the, 22, 26, 
28, 29, 30, 31, 32, 34, 36, 
36, 38, 40, 41, 46, 48 

Low Countries, AmbaS'^ 
sadors of; see Aubigny, 

Lucca, 3 

-^— Ambassador from; 
see Castruzzi 

Ludo, Count, 11 

Luyfort, 3 

Lysie, Mons. de, 11 

Mallet, Mons. 47 

Mally, Mons. de, GoTsmor 

of Montreuil, 3 
Mantes; 8, 9 

Mantua, earthquake at, 2 
Marchaumont, Pierre 

Clausse, 41 
Mares Navires, 10 
Margaret, Lady, da. of Henzy 

II. King of France, 7 
Marmillees, Mons. de, 6 
Marseilles, Englishmen at,10 
Martein, Lady, 20 
Martiningo, house of, 12 
Martinins, Mons. 12 
Mary, Queen of Scotland, 8, 

14, 44, 48 


her ser- 
vants, 8, 9 
Master of Requests; seelMe 
Mauyissiere; f^^Castelnau 
Meaux, 10 
Medicis, Catherine de, 3, 4, 


Melun, 10, 11 
Mendoza, Bemardin de, 36, 

36, 43, 44, 46 
Michel, Rowland, 13 
Middelburg, 17 
Milton, 24 
Monceaux, 10 
Montereau, 10 
Montgomery, Gabriel Count, 


his death, 19 

Montlhery, 12 

Montienil, 2,3, 4 

Mony, Madame de, 6, 8 

Moore, Sir Wm. 28 

Moors, the, 1, 2 

Morton, James Douglas, Earl 

of. Regent of Scotland, 2, 






Motte F^elon, Bertrand de 
Salignac de la, 42, 47, 48 

Mottisfont, 21 

Moans, French Captain, 2, 3 

Mnrraj, James Stewart, Earl 
of. Regent of Scotland, 

Navarre, Prince of, King of; 

see Henry 

■ Ambassador of; see 

NevUle, Sir Heniy, 19 
Neyers, Lewis of Gonzaga, 

Duke of, 5 
Newellme, 19 
Nicolas, Thomas, 22 
Nicosia, taken by the Tnrks, 1 
Noble, John de, 13 
Nonsnch, 22, 25, 43, 44 
Norfolk, Justices of, 14 
Norris, Sir Henry, 1, 3, 4 
North, Roger Lord, 21, 22^ 
NorthnmWland, Henry 

Percy, Earl of, 42 
Noiie, Francis de la, 10, 38 
Koyon, Madame de, 11, 13 

Oatlands, 21, 32, 39 
Obigni, Baron de; see An- 

Obinees, Madame d', 11 
Odiham, 21, 23, 24, 28, 33 
Olivares, Count, 5, 6 
Orange, William Prince of, 

8, 17, 26, 29, 30, 32, 34 
Orleans, 12 
Oxford, 24 
■ Edw. de Vere, Earl 

of, 12, 20 

Pardaillan; see Segnr 
Paris, 3, 4, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 

bridge of St. 

Estienne at, 5 
Parliament, 41, 44 
Parmenter, Mr. 20 
Paulet, Sir Amiaa, 27 
Pembroke, Henry Herbert, 

Earl of, 42 
Perrot, Sir John, 17, 18 
Philip II. King of Spain, 1, 

5, 34, 35 
Piles, Armand de Clermoiit, 


Pinard, Claude, French Se- 
cretary of State, 9, 42, 44 

Pine, Mons. de, 12, 13, 28 

Piquenel, 3 

Pirates, 33 

Pius V. 1 

Pledsis-Momay, Philip de, 39 

Poines, Sir Nicholas, 20 

Poissy, 7, 8, 9 

Poland, Ambassador of, 47 

Polixena, Lady, 32 

Pope, the; see Pius V. 

Portas, Mr. 9 

Portugal, 29 

King of; see Se- 

Ambassador of, 28 
Prayi&er, Baron of, 31 
Prigny, 8 
Purford, 28, 46 
Putney, 22, 36 

Radcliffe, Mr. 26 
Ramus, Mons. 13 
Randolphe, Thomas, 25, 26, 

34, 36, 40 
Raning, Mons. 7 
Reade, Capt 19 
Reading, 19, 28 
Recorder, Mr.; see Flete- 

Rety House, Paris, 6 
Retz, Duke of; see Gondi 
Rhine, Counts Palatine of: 
Frederic III. 14, 16, 28 
Frederic IV. 46 
Casimir, 34, 36 
Richmond, 19, 31, 32, 40, 44 
Rochester, 41, 45 
la Rocque, 46 
Rodolph n. Emperor, 30 
Ambassador of; 

see "PiKjner 
Rogers, Daniel, 31, 33, 34, 35 
Roissy, 10 
Romagna, the,-2 
Ross, Bp. of ; see Leslie, John 
RoBse, John de, 13 
Rouen, 6 

Rowlande, the post, 6 
Rowles, — ,14 
Russia, Ambassador of, 47 
Rutland, Edw. Manners Earl 

of, 4, 7, 11 
Rye, Mayor of, 17 

St. Alban's, 27 
St. Germains, 4, 10 
Salisbury, 20, 21 
Saluzzo, Marquis of, 4 
Sandes, Mr. 27 
Sandwich, 45 
Sanniers, 10 
Sardigni, Madame Scipion, 

11, 13 
Savoy, Ambassador of, 40 
Saxony, John Frederick, 

Duke of, 3 
Scotland, 2, 19, 21, 34, 36, 

38, 40, 44, 46, 47, 48 
King of; see 

James VI. 

Queen of; see 


Regent of; see 

Murray, Earl of; Morton, 
Earl of 

Ambassador of, in 

France, 4, 7, 11 
Seaton, George Lord, 4, 6 
Sebastian, K. of Portugal, 47 
Secretary of State; see Cecil, 

Segur-Paniaillaa, Jacques 

de, 33, 34 
Shaford, 28 
Sheffield, 44 
Sherington, Mr. 20 
Shute, Capt. 15 
Sidney, Sir Henry, Lord 

Deputy of Ireland, 37 

Sir Philip, 30, 31 

Signet, Clerks of the, 14 
Sittingboume, 2, 41, 45 
Sled, Six. 24 
Smyth, Sir John, 29, 31 
Smytiiie, Sir Thomas, 13, 27 
Solicitor, Mr.; see Bromley, 

Sir Thomas 
Somerset, Duchess of, 32 . 
Somerset House, 41, 42 
Sommers, Mr. 48 
Soubize, Madame de, 11 
Spain, 1, 2, 6, 9, 29, 31, 35 
— K. of; see Philip II. 
Ambassador of, in 

France, 4, 6, 8, 10, 12 
Stafford, 23 
Sir Edward, 28, 37, 

Staines, 32 



Star Chamber, 17» 19, 39 

Stafford, 27 

Stoke, 20 

Stokes, Mr. 38 

Stonarde, Mr. 27 

Stoner, Mr. 43 

Stratford, 26 

Sndelej, 20 

Smminghill, 39, 40 

Soflsex, Thomas Batcliffe 
Earl of, Lord Chamber- 
lain, 32, 41, 42, 46 

Sate; gee Shute 
' Sntton, Alexander, 6 

Swereghem, Count, 2 1 , 22, 29 

Swinton, George, 6 

Taffi, seryant of the Prince 

of Orange, 3 
TafBn, Mons. 29 
Talbot, Mr. 12 
Tamworth Castle, 23 
Teligni, Charles de, 10 VU 
Theobald's, 27, 37 
Thomas, Ric. 7 
Tomaso, Captain, 9, 13 
Tottenham, 36 
Tonry, 12 

Trant, Marqnis of, 4 
Traves, Marquis of, 7 
Treasurer, Lord ; iee Cecil 
Tuffin, Mons. 12, 13 
Turks, the, 1 
Tuscany, Ambassador of, 10, 


Tutbury, 1 

Venice, 1 

Ambassador of, 3, 


Vernon, 8, 9 

Vice-chamberlain; %ee Hat- 
ton, Christopher 

Villiclere, Count, 12 

VilUers, Mr. 22 

Vincennes, Bois de, 7 

Vray, Jacques du. Secretary 
of theDnke ofAn j on, 38, 42 

Walday, Mr. 13 
Wallop, Sir Heniy, 21 
Walsingham, Sir Francis, 

goes to France, 2, 43 
^ is sworn Se- 
cretary of State, 13 

is ill, 18 

his wife, 6, 7, 

20, 22, 32 

his house in 
London, 34 ; %ee also Barn- 

Wanstead, 37 

Warcop, Mr. 14 

Warwick, 23 

Waterfisshe, ,16 

Waterhouse, Mr. 17, 37 

Wentworth, , 23 

Westminster, 18 

Whitehall, 16, 25, 30, 44 

Wickham, 24 

Wight, Isle of, 31 

Wilkes, Thomas, 35, 36 

Williams, Walter, 8, 13, 41 

Willoughby d'Eresby, Pfere- 
ffrine Berty, Lord of, 46 

WUson, Dr. 22, 28, 31 

Wilton, 20 

Winchester, 21 

^— John Paulet 

Marquis of, 21 

Windsor, 19, 24, 27, 28, 32, 

Winter, George, 31 

Sir William, 26 

Wolverhampton, 23 

Wood, Mr. 13 

Woodstock, 19, 20, 23, 24 

Worcester, 23 

William Somer- 
set, Earl of, 41 

Wrothe, Mr. 36 

Yetsweirt, Nicasius, 28 • 

Yonge, Mr. 26 

York, President of; tee 
Huntingdon, Henry Hast- 
ings, Earl of 

Yorkei Rowland, 86 

Zealand, 26 
Zolcher, 46 

Zweibriicken, John Duke of, 

Westminster: Printed by J. B. Nichols and Sons, 25, Parliament Street. 





ON THE 2nd MAY 1870. 

The Council of the Camden Society elected on the 1st May 1869 has 
to regret the loss which the Society has sustained during the past year 
by the death of some of its oldest and most valued Members, as the 
following List will show: — 

Rev. John Besly, D.C L. 

Leonard Shelford Bidwell, Esq., F.S.A. 

The Rev. Guy Bryan, M.A., F.S.A. 

The Right Reverend the Lord Bishop of Chichester. 

The Lord Foley. 

Sir C. Wentworth Dilke, Bart., LL.B. 

John Smith, Esq. 

The Lord Taunton. 

The Rev. James Henthorn Todd, D.D., M.R.LA. 

The Marquess of Westminster. 

Sir Charles G. Young, Garter, F.S.A. 

To this List has to be added the name of the late Director of the 
Society, Mr. Bruce, who^ from the 2nd March, 1838, the day on which the 
Society was founded, up to the moment of his sudden and lamented 
death on the 28th of October last, may be said to have been the ruling 
spirit of the Society. There were many reasons why this should have been 
so. His thorough acquaintance with the objects for which the Society 
was established fitted him in an eminent degree to advise the Council in 
its choice of publications. His thorough business habits enabled him to 
order the financial arrangements of the Society on the basis which has 
done so much to ensure its permanency ; while his general good judgment, 


courtesy, and temper secured ready attention to his suggestions, and gsdned 
for him the warm personal regard of all who were associated with him. 
He was the first Treasurer, and for nineteen years the Director, of the 
Society. He edited its first publication, which was followed up by a dozen 
others, many of them among the most valuable contributions to our 
National History which the Society has given to the world ; and, in addi- 
tion, he contributed several papers to the Miscellany, and rendered valu- 
able assistance in the preparation of a large proportion of other volumes 
of the Camden publications. In Mr. Bruce every member of the Society 
has been deprived of one to whom he was personally indebted ; while his 
loss will long be mourned by all who had the happiness to enjoy the 
friendship of a man who was no less distinguished as an accomplished 
scholar than as a Christian gentleman. 

The following Books have been issued to the Members since the last 
Meeting : — 

I. A Spanish Account of the Proposed Marriage between Charles Prince of 
Wales and the Infanta ; by Francisco de Jesus. Edited, with a Translation, by 
Samuel Rawson Gardinbr, Esq. 

The value of this work will be at opce recognised when it is stated that 
it may be considered as the first argument from the Spanish side on the 
subject of this important event, and that the evidence of MSS. preserved 
in the archives of Simancas shows that it may be safely regarded as a 
trustworthy narrative of the facts of the case as they would naturally 
appear to a Spanish Catholic. 

This was followed by 

II. Notes taken by Sir John Borough, Garter King of Arms, of the Treaty 
carried on at Ripon betwten King Charles I. and the Coyenanters of Scotland, a.d. 
1640. Edited by John Bruce, Esq. F.S A. 

in which the late Director gave the Society the first fruits of his researches 
among the historical records at Crowcombe Court* The document is in 
itself of great interest, but its value has been considerably enhanced by the 
Editor's preface, which is one of those instructive and exhaustive essays 


which, like the prefaces to his Calendars of State Papers, serve tcshow 
how much English history would have gained had he made one period of 
it the subject of a distinct and original work. 

This was followed by 

III. ChurchwardeDB* Accounts of the Town of Ladlow from the 27th Henry VIIL* 
(1540) to the end of the Reign of Queen Elizabeth. Edited by Thomas Wright, 
Esq. M.A. F.S.A. 

which, though chiefly of interest to local antiquaries, is not without its 

peculiar value for students of our Church History and Social Progress. 

The works which it is proposed to issue to the Members during the 
ensuing year are 

I. Henry Elsynge's Notes of Proceedings in the House of Lords during the 
session of 1621. From the original MSS. in the possession of Colonel Carew, of 
Crowcombe Court, Somerset. To be edited by Samuel R. Gardiner, Esq. 

IL Letters and Papers of John Shillingford, Mayor of Exeter a.d. 1447 — 1450. 
To be edited by Stewart A. Moore, Esq. 

ni. A Collection of Original Letters of the Trevelyan Family. To be edited by 
Sir Walter Trevelyan, Bart, from the originals in the possession of the 

By Colonel Carew's kind permission copies are being taken of the 
remaining volumes of Elsynge's Notes extending over the Parliaments of 
1624, 1626, and the first session of the Parliament of 1628, and throwing 
new light upon the Impeachment of the Duke of Buckingham and the 
Petition of Right. 

The following Works have been added to the list of Suggested Publi- 
cations during the past year : — 

I. A Series of Letters of the time of James the First, from the original MSS. 
formerly belonging to Mr. John Packer, secretary to the Duke of Buckingham, now 
in the possession of the Honourable G. M. Fortescue. To be edited by Samuel 
Rawson Gardiner, Esq. 

II. The Examination of Wycherley, a Conjuror in the time of Edward VI. from 
the original in the Lansdowne Library in the British Museum. To be edited by 
Dr. Rimbault. 


III. The Life of William Whittingham, Dean of Durham, from a MS. in the 
Ashmolean Library. To he edited bj Mrs. Eyerett Green. 

The Council have great satisfaction in announcing to the Members 
that the General Index to the first hundred volumes of the Society's 
publications is making steady, and^ looking to the nature and character of 
the work, rapid progress. Mr. Gough, to whose experienced hands the 
labour has been entrusted^ reports that the Index to forty of the Volumes 
is completed ; that seventeen others are in various states of progress ; 
while forty-three are not commenced. He considers that one half of his 
labour is performed, and hopes that the latter half may be even more 
rapidly accomplished. The extent to which the value and utility of the 
Camden publications will be increased by means of this General Index 
are too obvious to call for comment, and the Council anticipates with 
great satisfaction the completion of this important work. 

The Council of last year congratulated the Society on the issue of a 
Royal Commission for the inspection of Historical Documents in private 
hands, as calculated to give an impetus to the cause in which this Society 
feels so deep an interest. That Commission has issued its first Report, 
and the satisfaction with which this Society looked upon the establishment 
of the Commission is more than justified by its results. The vast mass 
of historical papers which the Historical Documents Commission has 
brought under public notice is enormous. Some of these may possibly be 
printed by the Government ; but there is little doubt that many may owe 
their publication to the skill of Camden Editors and the funds of the 
Camden Societv. 

In view of the work before them the Council has great satisfaction in 
being able to refer to the Report of the Auditors for proof of the improved 
financial condition of the Society. 

Signed, by order of the Council, 

Samuel R. Gardiner, Director. 

William J. Thoms, Hon. Sec. 
Dated the 30th April 1870. 


Wb^ the Auditors appointed to audit the Accounts of the Camden Society, report 
to the Society, that the Treasurer has exhibited to us an Account of the Receipts and 
Kxpenditure from the 1st of April 1869 to the 31st of March 1870, and that we 
have examined the said accounts, with the vouchers relating thereto, and find the same 
to be correct and satisfactory. 

And we further report that the following is an Abstract of the Receipts and 
Expenditure during the period we have mentioned. 



To Balance of last year' 8 account. . 119 

ReceiYed on account of Members 
whose Subscriptions were in ar- 
rear at last Audit 85 

The like on account of Subscriptions 

dueon the Istof May, 1869.... 232 

The like on account of Subscriptions 

due on the 1st of May, 1870. ... 160 

To one Composition in lieu of An- 
nual Subscription (H. Gongh) . . 10 
One yearns dividend on £1016 3 1 
3 per Cent. Consols, standing in 
the names of the Trustees of the 
Society, deducting Income Tax. . 29 17 
To Sale of the Publications of past 


To Sale of Promptorium Panrulorum 
(3 vols, in 1) 4 

33 7 




£530 17 7 


Paid for 2 Woodcuts, Dingley's History from Marble 

Paid for printing 500 copies, Vol. 100, Treaty at 

Paid for binding 400 copies of ditto 

Paid for printing 500 copies, YoL 101, Spanish Mar- 
riage Treaty 

Paid for binding 500 copies of ditto «... 

Paid for printing 500 copies Vol. 102, Churchwardens' 
Accounts at Ludlow 

Paid for binding 400 copies of ditto 

Paid for binding 50 copies, Vol. 75, State Papers re- 
lating to Milton 

Paid for Paper 

Paid for Miscellaneous Printing ' 

Paid for delivery and transmission of Books, with 
paper for wrappers, warehousing expenses. Sic, (in- 
cluding Insurance) 

Paid for Advertisements •.. 

Paid for Transcripts 

Paid for postage of Reports circulated 

Paid Mr. H. Gough (further payment on account of 
Gleneral Index) 

Paid for postages, tin box for papers, collecting, 

country expenses, &c 

By Balance 

£ s. 


1 15 

40 5 

12 16 

122 5 


56 4 

14 8 

1 12 

15 13 


17 11 

26 3 

8 12 


17 15 


3 16 


8 13 5 
53 7 8 

£530 17 7 

And we^ the Auditors, further state, that the Treasurer has reported to us, that 
over and above the present balance pf £53 7^« Scf. there are outstanding various sub- 
scriptions of Foreign Members, and of Members resident at a distance from London, 
which the Treasurer sees no reason to doubt will shortly be received. 

ZOth April, 1870. 

Hen. Hill, 
j. w. cosbns. 



<I[ami£n ^od^% 

(Barig gistorirat and Sttcrarg ^mains. 

William Chappkll, Esq. F.S.A., Trnuura: 
John Payne Colltbh, Eaij. F.S.A. 
William Duhr&nt Cooper, Esq. F.S.A. 
John Forster, Esq. D.C.L. 
Edward Foss, Eaq. F.S.A. 
Sahuil Rawson Gardikih, Esq , DinetoT. 
Thi Vbn. Auchdkacon Halk, D-D. 
Sir John Maclian, F.S.A. 

FiiEDiR[c OuvRT, Eaq.Treas. S.A. 
Edwabd Riubault, Esq. LL.D. 
EVELTN Philip SmitLET, E«(). H.A., F.S.A. 
William J. Thohb, Esq. F.S.A., StattaTf. 
The Vert Rev. the Dean or Ws8tiiin«t«, 

Sir Thomas E. Winnihctoh, Babt. 
Sir AX.RBRT W. Woods, Oaii^, F.S.A. 


W. F. CoiBMi, E(Q. 1 J. Walter K. Etton, Esq. F.S.A. [ Hehht Hill, 


C. P. Coopes, Esq. Q.C. | J. P. Collier, Esq. F.S.A. 


Messrs. Hekriib, Farqchar, and Co. 16, St. James's Street. 


ia JDBtituted to perpetuate, and render accessible, whatever is valuable, but hitherto 
little known, amongBt the materials for the Civil, EccleBiaatical, or Llterarj History or 
the United Kingdom; and it acconiplisheB that object bj the publication of HiBtorical 
Documents, Letters, Ancient Poems, and whatever else lies within the compass of its 
design, in the most convenient form, and at the least postible expense coDiistent with the 
production of useful volumes. 

The Subscription tu the Societj is XI per annum, which becomes due in advance on 
the first daj of Maj in everj year, and is received by Messrs. Nichols, 26, Parlia* 
HEHT SiBEKT, Or b; the fleTerkl Locai, Secbetabibb. No Books for the year are 
delivered until the Subscription has been paid. Members mav compound for their 
future Annual Subscriptions by the payment of £10 over and above the Subscription 
for the current year. The compositions received have been funded in the Three per 
Cent. Consols to an amount exeeeuiog £1,000. 

New Members are admitted at the Meetings of the Council held on the first Wednes- 
day in every month. W. J. Tbohs, Honorary Secretary. 

A Oaneral Indsi to the tint Hnudred Ttdnmei of the Caiadeii Society's PabllcatioiM Is preparlnf. 



*K ^ -VA A A Jk j^ jy ^